Lithuanian conferences during World War I

The Lithuanian conferences during World War I refer to ten conferences held by Lithuanian activists during World War I in Switzerland and Sweden. They articulated the vision of independent Lithuanian state free of Russian, German, and Polish influence and as such were an important step towards the Act of Independence of Lithuania in February 1918.

The historical Grand Duchy of Lithuania was in a union with the Kingdom of Poland from the 1385 Union of Krewo until it became part of the Russian Empire as a result of the Third Partition in 1795. During World War I, Lithuania was occupied by the German Empire and political freedom within Lithuania was restricted by Ober Ost officials. Only one conference, the Vilnius Conference in September 1917, was allowed in Lithuania. The Lithuanians were concerned with the fate of Lithuania after the war as its powerful neighbors (Russia, Germany, Poland) had their own plans. The conferences in Switzerland and Sweden, as neutral countries, provided an avenue for them to discuss political realities and create visions for the future of independent Lithuania. The conferences also facilitated exchange of information and ideas, coordination of financial aid and political efforts.[1]

The first conferences were organized by Juozas Gabrys and held in Switzerland, which became a hub of Lithuanian activities after Gabrys moved there from Paris. He had a talent for public relations and ran the Lithuanian Information Bureau which supplied European powers with information on Lithuania and its aspirations.[2] The first conferences were more meetings and discussions between private individuals, but they steadily grew in clout and recognition.[3]

Conference dates

The dates of the conferences were:

  1. August 3–4, 1915 in Bern[4]
  2. October 9–11, 1915 in Stockholm[5]
  3. February 12–14, 1916 in Fribourg (though conference's documents are dated March 1–5, 1916 in Bern)[6]
  4. April 25–30, 1916 in Bern (supposedly held in The Hague to confuse the police)[6]
  5. May 30 – June 4, 1916 in Lausanne[7]
  6. June 30 – July 4, 1916 in Lausanne (held in secret)[8]
  7. October 18–22, 1917 in Stockholm
  8. November 2–10, 1917 in Bern
  9. January 3–6, 1918 in Stockholm
  10. September 5–16, 1918 in Lausanne

Conference proceedings

First conferences

The first conference was held jointly with Latvians, northern neighbors of Lithuania, in August 1915, when Lithuania was not yet fully overtaken by German forces.[9] The conference was organized by Juozas Gabrys, who was introduced to Latvian activists by Atis Ķeniņš, and Antanas Viskantas.[10] The representatives adopted a resolution which expressed their solidarity with the Entente Powers and condemned atrocities committed by German troops. They resolved to seek wast autonomy (not yet full independence) for a joint Lithuanian–Latvian state that would encompass a territory of 250,000 square kilometres (97,000 sq mi).[4] For comparison, present-day Latvia and Lithuania cover approximately 130,000 square kilometres (50,000 sq mi). However, the plans for a joint Lithuanian–Latvian independence movement did not materialize and, it seems, the resolution remained as the only document calling for a joint Lithuanian–Latvian state.[11]

As war progressed, Gabrys' attitudes shifted in support of Germany which adopted a policy, articulated by Alexander Parvus, supporting various nations seeking autonomy or independence from Russia.[10] In October 1915, together with Estonian Aleksander Kesküla, Gabrys traveled to Stockholm to meet with Martynas Yčas, member of the Russian State Duma, and Stasys Šilingas, an employee of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs.[12] Kesküla wanted to persuade Yčas to resign from the Duma in support for Germany.[12][13] Yčas wanted to organize a much broader Lithuanian conference with representatives from Lithuanian activists living in Lithuania, Russia, Western Europe, and United States and was disappointed that only Gabrys could attend.[12] Jonas Aukštuolis and Ignas Šeinius also attended the meeting.[13] The meeting, self-declared the First Lithuanian conference, did not adopt a political statement.[5] Nevertheless, the men established a war refugee relief organization, the Swedish–Lithuanian Aid Committee (Lithuanian: Švedų-lietuvių šelpimo komitetas), of which Carl Lindhagen, mayor of Stockholm, was chairman, Verner Söderberg, editor of Stockholms Dagblad, was secretary, and Lithuanian Jonas Aukštuolis was manager.[12]

The next conference was held in February 1916 in Fribourg. In addition to Swiss Lithuanians (Vladas Daumantas-Dzimidavičius, Juozas Gabrys, Juozas Purickis, Antanas Steponaitis, Justinas Tumėnas, Antanas Viskanta),[7] it was attended by Juozas Tumas-Vaižgantas and Jonas Žilius.[6] The most important issue on the agenda was Lithuania's relationship with Poland. The Poles sought to resurrect the old Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth which Lithuanians perceived as a threat to their national identity and as an usurpation of their self-determination rights. The conference rejected ideas of a Polish–Lithuanian state and, while fully supporting the Polish bid for independence within ethnographic Poland, asserted their self-determination rights within the ethnographic Lithuania.[14] Also, for the first time, Lithuanians unequivocally raised demands for full independence for Lithuania. After the conference, Lithuanian emigrants did not backtrack and continued to resolutely demand independence.[15] Such demands were met with anger in Russian press which saw the conference as a German propaganda ploy.[7] Both German and Russian agents began tracking Lithuanian activities in Switzerland.[16] The second conference in Bern was held two months later, in April 1916, in reaction[6] to a speech by Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, Chancellor of Germany, in the Reichstag that after the war Poland, Lithuania and Latvia would not return to Russia.[17] The conference produced a long list complaints against Russia but also emphasized that they did not desire to replace one yoke for another.[18] Therefore, the conference reaffirmed demands for a full independence from both Russia and Germany.[6]

Conferences in Lausanne

Two conferences were held in Lausanne in summer 1916. The first Lausanne conference was attended by Swiss Lithuanians, Martynas Yčas (who also was chairman of the conference) from Russia, and Vincas Bartuška, Jonas Julius Bielskis, and Romanas Karuža from United States.[18] Notably, representatives from Lithuania were absent as they did not receive travel permits from Ober Ost officials.[18] Attendants read five presentations on activities of Lithuanians in Russia (Martynas Yčas), in United States (Romanas Karuža), and in Switzerland (Vladas Daumantas-Dzimidavičius) and on operations of the refugee aid committee Lituania (Antanas Steponaitis) and Lithuanian Information Bureau (Juozas Gabrys). The conference was passionate and argumentative as representatives tried to decide which great power – Russia or Germany – should be relied on in hopes for future independence.[19] Because Yčas was the chairman, the conference avoided anti-Russian statements but protested against exploitative German policies.[20] One unifying point was the stance against the General Committee for Aid to War Victims in Lithuania (Lithuanian: Generalinis komitetas karo aukoms Lietuvoje šelpti),[19] which was established at the end of 1915 together with pro-Polish landowners.[21] The conference decided to disband it as it presented a threat of Polonization. The conference decided to expand the Lithuanian Information Bureau and establish a permanent institution, a 5-member Council of Lithuanian Nation (Lithuanian: Lietuvių tautos taryba), to unite Lithuanian activists in Lithuania, Russia, and United States.[19] The conference expressed its disappointment over infighting among Lithuanian Americans due to political differences and called for a unifying Supreme Lithuanian American Council.[18] It also urged Lithuanians, particularly those living in the United States, to donate more generously towards Lithuanian causes and rebuilding after the war.[8] The conference prepared a memorandum to Pope Benedict XV requesting creation of a Lithuanian archdiocese with the seat in Vilnius and a Lithuanian diocese in the United States.[16] The Lithuanian Information Bureau was tasked with drafting a plan on reestablishing Vilnius University.[22]

The second Lausanne conference was held at the end of the Third Conference of Nationalities (French: IIIme Conférence des nationalités), also known as the Third Congress of Oppressed Peoples, which was organized by the Union of Nationalities (French: Union des Nationalités) on June 27–29, 1916.[23] Gabrys was heavily involved in the Union and the Lithuanian question was always its priority.[24] The Germans supported the conference as they saw it as an opportunity to create negative publicity against Russia by promoting the plight of nations seeking independence or autonomy from Russia. They invited representatives of Tatars, Kyrgyzstanis, Persians, and other peoples from the Russian Empire.[25] In total, 27 nations were represented by 3000 attendees.[26] The Germans also allowed three Lithuanian representatives (Antanas Smetona, Steponas Kairys, Jurgis Šaulys; Antanas Žmuidzinavičius was initially selected instead of Smetona)[27] to attend, who brought a memorandum, signed by twelve Lithuanian activists, to Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States.[28] During the conference, chaired by Paul Otlet, Lithuanian priest Vincas Bartuška read the Lithuanian statement which again repeated demands for full independence.[26] Only two other nations, Poland and Finland, expressed their desire for full independence.[11][29]

After the Conference of Nationalities, Lithuanians organized their own conference in secret. The second Laussane conference, chaired by Smetona, confirmed resolutions of the first conference, adopted a month before, except for statements condemning Germany.[30] After hearing reports from Lithuanian representatives on deplorable conditions within Lithuania, the conference also called for Lithuanian professionals (doctors, teachers, artisans, businessperson, etc.) to return from Russia, United States, and other communities to Lithuania and help rebuild the country.[30] Right after the conference, Gabrys sent out a memorandum to Ober Ost officials in the name of the not-yet-organized Council of Lithuanian Nation.[19] The memorandum asked Germans to ease their control of life in Lithuania (censure of letters, travel restrictions, monitoring of activities of various societies) and liberalize education (allow Lithuanians establish their own schools and select teachers).[8] Later, a memorandum in the name of the Swiss Lithuanian Council (Lithuanian: Šveicarijos lietuvių taryba) was sent out to various foreign diplomatic services, except Russia. The memorandum briefly outlined the history of Lithuania, etnographic borders of the Lithuanian state, and resolutions adopted by the two Lithuanian conferences in Laussane.[8]

Post Vilnius Conference

The conference in Bern in November 1917 was attended by the Presidium of the Council of Lithuania (Antanas Smetona, Steponas Kairys, Jurgis Šaulys).[31] It discussed territorial demands of the future Lithuanian state. It resolved that the territory should be determined based on ethnographic principles. In particular, the conference deemed that the former Russian Governorates of Kaunas and Suwałki as well as almost the entire Vilna Governorate and four uyezds (districts) of the Grodno Governorate (Białystok, Grodno, Slonim and Vawkavysk) should belong to Lithuania. The delegates did not mention Lithuania's aspirations to the Lithuania Minor, which was then part of East Prussia. Instead of demanding the port of Klaipėda (Memel), they decided to demand Liepāja.[31]

The last conference was held in Lausanne in September 1918. It was attended by four members of the Council of Lithuania (Antanas Smetona, Augustinas Voldemaras, Juozas Purickis, and Martynas Yčas). Instead of increased coordination of efforts, a major ideological dispute further fragmented the Lithuanian independence movement and caused further confusion among foreigners when it aired in Swiss newspaper Der Bund.[32] Members of the Council maintained that the conference was only an advisory body, while Lithuanian émigrés wanted to establish an equal or a superior authority in the west. Lithuanians living abroad wanted to minimize any ties with Germany that was losing the war and instead rely on the Entente Powers that would decide the fate of Europe in a future peace conference.[32] Lithuanians living in Lithuania, still occupied by Germany, thought that Germany was the only major power to be taken into account for the foreseeable future. They reasoned that if the Council of Lithuania was to have any sway with the Germans, it had to be the sole authority of the Lithuanian people. According to historian Alfred Erich Senn, it was a major policy error as the Council of Lithuania did gain a reputation of a "German tool" and it impeded Lithuania's international recognition.[32]

Germany surrendered in November 1918 and the conferences abroad lost their purpose. The center of political life returned to Lithuania.

References

Notes
  1. ↑ Eidintas (1999), p. 28
  2. ↑ Senn (1980), p. 53
  3. ↑ Čepėnas (1986), p. 424
  4. 1 2 Gimžauskas (2006b), p. 61
  5. 1 2 Grigaravičiūtė (2000), p. 50
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 Misiūnas (2004), p. 78
  7. 1 2 3 Čepėnas (1986), p. 427
  8. 1 2 3 4 Čepėnas (1986), p. 428
  9. ↑ Čepėnas (1986), pp. 421–422
  10. 1 2 Misiūnas (2004), p. 75
  11. 1 2 Gimžauskas (2006a)
  12. 1 2 3 4 Misiūnas (2004), p. 76
  13. 1 2 Čepėnas (1986), p. 422
  14. ↑ Biržiška (1954), p. 431
  15. ↑ Senn (1975), p. 23
  16. 1 2 "Lietuvos – Šveicarijos diplomatinių santykių istorija". Embassy of the Republic of Lithuania to Swiss Confederation. Retrieved 2013-10-27.
  17. ↑ Bacon (1916), p. 100
  18. 1 2 3 4 Merkelis (1964), p. 148
  19. 1 2 3 4 Misiūnas (2004), p. 80
  20. ↑ Merkelis (1964), pp. 148–149
  21. ↑ Misiūnas (2004), p. 74
  22. ↑ Jurėnienė (2002), p. 53
  23. ↑ Reynolds (2011), p. 129
  24. ↑ Watson (1995), p. 1191
  25. ↑ Misiūnas (2004), p. 79
  26. 1 2 Bacevičius (2008)
  27. ↑ Klimas (1990), p. 85
  28. ↑ Misiūnas (2004), pp. 79–80
  29. ↑ Čepėnas (1986), p. 425
  30. 1 2 Merkelis (1964), p. 149
  31. 1 2 Eidintas (2013), pp. 150–151
  32. 1 2 3 Senn (1975), pp. 37–38
Bibliography
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