Thangata

"Thangata" is a word deriving from the Chewa language of Malawi which has changed its meaning several times, although all meanings relate to agriculture. Its original, pre-colonial usage related to reciprocal help given in neighbours' fields or freely-given agricultural labour as thanks for a benefit. In colonial times, between 1891 and 1962, it generally meant agricultural labour given without pay, by a tenant on an estate owned by a European, in lieu of a cash rent. Thangata was exploited, and tenants could be forced to work on the owners' crops for four to six months when they could have cultivated their own crops. From the 1920s, the name thangata was extended to situations where tenants were given seeds to grow set quotas of designated crops instead of providing cash or labour. Both forms of thangata were abolished in 1962, but both before and after independence and up to the present, the term has been used for short-term rural casual work, often on tobacco estates, which is considered by workers to be exploitative.

Thangata in Malawi

Origins

The term “thangata” has had several meanings in Malawi in the last 120 years, and its traditional or pre-colonial use was very different from its uses in colonial and modern times. The word exists in the Chewa and the related Mang'anja languages, and its first pre-colonial meaning was “help” or “to assist”, in the sense of freely-given reciprocal help such as neighbours might give each other building huts or clearing fields.^[1] It also had the meaning of the agricultural work that a member of the village community did for his chief. The ownership of land in much of Malawi was vested in the community, not individuals. Traditional leaders acted as trustees over communal land, and granted the right to use it to individuals in their communities. By custom, these leaders received in gifts in kind or labour from those in their community who had benefitted. This was also called thangata.^[2] When communal land was plentiful, community leaders could not demand thangata, but once it became scarcer in the colonial period, and particularly after the introduction of Indirect rule on 1933, the chiefs could impose a condition of thangata work on any grant. In the last two or three decades, chiefs have begun to require cash sums or rents to allow the use of communal land, but these cash payments are not called thangata.^[3]

In early colonial Nyasaland

Modern-day view of a tea plantation near Mulanje

The 1870s and 1880s in Malawi were unsettled, and local chiefs sought to gain European protection from their enemies by granting settlers what they probably considered was only a right to cultivate vacant land. Soon after the British Central Africa Protectorate was proclaimed in 1891, these Europeans secured legal ownership of this land from the protectorate administration. The new owners also claimed all rights that the traditional leaders had or were thought to possess, asserting that thangata work was an obligation that the landlord could impose on tenants. In the early colonial period, thangata took on a new meaning of performing labour in lieu of rent.^[4] In the early years of the protectorate, the estates established in under-populated areas needed workers to establish plantations. Few Africans were resident on estate lands, and some of those who remained left when labour rents were introduced. New workers, who were often migrants from Mozambique, were encouraged to move onto estates and grow their own crops, but were required to pay rent and Hut tax, usually satisfied by two months’ labour a year at this time.^[5] Before 1905, relatively little land on the estates was planted, as the owners were experimenting with a variety of crops. However, from 1905, cotton was successfully grown in commercial quantities. Cotton has a 5 or 6 month growing season, throughout which it needed much labour for a successful result. Between 1910 and 1925, tobacco was also grown in plantations and, like cotton it required a great deal of labour to grow successfully. As tenancies were based on verbal contracts, tenants had little or no chance to dispute the owners’ interpretations of them. On several estates, the obligations of labour tenants were extended, sometimes to a total of four or five months a year for thangata and Hut tax, much of this in the growing season leaving tenants with little time to grow food. As the Crown lands near the estates were already crowded, and as most of estate tenants were migrants from Mozambique with no claim to communal land, they had little option but to stay. In this situation thangata came to mean forced labour.^[6]

Attempted reform and opposition

The Nyasaland High Court in 1903 exempted the original inhabitants of estates from thangata and gave them some security. Legislation allowing other tenants to pay rent rather than thangata, and for cash payment if they performed more than the required thangata was enacted in 1908, but not implemented. The harshness of thangata was at least one of the reasons underlying the 1915 uprising led by John Chilembwe. Following this revolt, a new attempt to abolish thangata in favour of cash rent was made, but it failed because of the political influence of the estate owners. The thangata system was a bar to progress and impoverished people by limiting the amount of time they could work for themselves. There was no place for crafts or skills in thangata: reduced all tenants to unskilled manual labour, and was likened to a form of serfdom.^[7][8] Even after Chilembwe’s revolt, the labour obligation on many estates was little modified, sometimes amounting to six months for thangata and rent. Although some abuses were curtailed, others such as equating a month of thangata to 30 days (or five weeks of six days’ work), and requiring the wives of absent migrant workers, widows and single women to work in breach of custom, persisted. However, by 1918 most cotton, and by 1925 most tobacco, was not grown on estates by direct labour, but by smallholders on Crown lands. As the demand for estate labour declined in the 1920s, the owners claimed that, as they had insufficient work for their tenants to meet their thangata obligations, they had become rent-free squatters.^[9][10]

In later colonial Nyasaland

Some smaller estates failed, but others were saved from collapse by a scheme first adopted by one large owner, The British Central Africa Company Ltd. Instead using of direct labour, it issued seeds to tenants so they could grow cotton and tobacco under supervision, and sell their crops to the planters at low prices. This system was formalised in legislation, the 1928 Natives on Private Estates Ordinance, which modified thangata by allowing rents to be paid in cash, in a fixed quantity of acceptable crops or by direct labour. The true value of the crop, usually tobacco, given in lieu of rent greatly exceeded the cash rent. Estate landlords also benefited from restrictions on smallholders growing tobacco. Although the estates now largely acted as brokers for their tenants’ produce, and the name thangata, sometimes “tobacco thangata” after its commonest form was applied to rent in kind, the older form of labour thangata persisted on tea estates, and elsewhere if the owner wished to grow crops through direct labour.^[11][12]

It was estimated that about 9% of Malawi’s Africans lived on estates in 1911: in 1945, it was about 10%. In the latter year, the number of residents on estates was about 173,000 in 49,000 families.^[13] In the 1940s and early 1950s, there were tensions between estate owners and tenants over evictions and the tenants’ wish to sell produce of their choice in local markets, not through the owner. The expansion of tea-planting led to a shortage of African labour, which became acute after 1945. The British Central Africa Company Ltd had formerly relied on labour tenants for most of its workforce, but in 1946 its local Manager complained that it was unable to enforce unpopular thangata agreements or Sunday working although it threatened many tenants with eviction.^[14] There was a further crisis in 1952-3 when the British Central Africa Company tried to increase tenants’ rents substantially, against the advice of the Nyasaland government. A number of tenants resisted the increase, and the company issued eviction notices. The tenants' resistance included clearing land for cultivation on the undeveloped parts of the company's estates and refusing to pay taxes or attend courts. Riots broke out in Cholo in August 1953, leading to eleven dead and seventy-two injured.^[15] The tensions were lessened by government land purchases of former estates, so by 1962, the number of estate residents had been reduced to 9,000 families. In 1962, the 1928 Ordinance was replaced by a 1962 Africans on Private Estates Ordinance that granted tenants security of tenure and abolished all forms of thangata requiring labour or the production of designated crops, replacing them with cash rents.^[16]

Although tenants produced tobacco on many estates, by 1935, 70% of the national tobacco crop was grown in the Central Region, at first by Africans on Crown land, later by sharecroppers under contract to the holders of leased land for one crop at a time, the “visiting tenant” system. The “visiting tenant” system had some similarities to estate tenancies in the Shire Highlands (called thangata, whether the rent was satisfied in labour or produce), but it was distinct as visiting tenants had permanent homes away from the places where they grew their crop. Like estate tenants, visiting tenants were underpaid for their crop because they were forced to sell it to the landowner.^[17] Although it was originally distinct from thangata, in 1963 shortly before independence, Hastings Banda, as Minister of Agriculture fiercely attacked the visiting tenant system and equated it to the hated thangata. Despite this rhetoric, when thangata was abolished in 1962, a temporary exemption was given for visiting tenants in the Central Region. However, this use represented a further extension of the term thangata.^[18]

In post-colonial Malawi

By the late 1960s, politicians of the ruling Malawi Congress Party were involved in tobacco growing on the former European estates that the colonial government had bought, and which were sold or leased to the party elite after independence. Further elite-run estates were later created on previously communal lands. By 1990, there were 675,000 registered estate tenants with little security, and another 580,000 “squatters” lived on surplus land with no security, forming a pool of casual labour. Few tenants or squatters grew all their own food and most relied on casual paid labour or food-for-work arrangements on the estates to supplement what they could grow.^[19] The preferred term for short-term rural casual work paid for in cash or in kind (usually food) is ganyu. The term "Ganyu" is said to derive from the Portuguese "ganho" (sometimes spelled "ganyao") meaning something gained or a bonus.^[20][21] It originally denoted food or beer given as appreciation for neighbours when they worked on another’s fields, then the work a poor person did for food or cash for more prosperous neighbour. Today tobacco estates are the largest employers of ganyu workers. These may stay for the growing season like visiting tenants, or travel in daily. Larger estates may pay the minimum wage; smaller estates usually only give food. These arrangements are sometimes called thangata, as in the 2007 documentary “Thangata: social bondage and big tobacco in Malawi”.^[22][23]

Similar Systems

Of all the countries in Southern and Central Africa, Nyasaland was notorious for the duration of thangata and its importance to the colonial economy. Labour tenancy and sharecropping continued to exist in other less developed parts of Southern and Central Africa in the 20th century, but without the same social and political impact as in Nyasaland. In much of South Africa and Southern and North-Western Rhodesia, the growth of the money economy led rapidly to waged employment rather than labour in lieu of rent, and in North-Eastern Rhodesia estate agriculture was less dominant and land reasonably plentiful.^[24] In early Natal, the shortage of capital caused landowners to extract rent from African tenants in the forms of produce or labour, and this applied in Zululand until the early 20th century. However, in central Natal, employment for wages took over in the last third of the 19th century.^[25] African tenant farmers on European-owned estates in Matabeleland in the early colonial period could either pay rent or provide labour in lieu of rent, but after 1910, it was more usual to employ Africans for wages. V C Kwashirai, (2009).^[26]

The system that is probably closest to thangata is the institution in Rwanda called ubureetwa. Although there were few European landowners, the traditional leaders who controlled access land were from the dominant Tutsi group. After the Europeans occupation, they were able to manipulate freely-given labour into an unpaid agricultural obligation. As Rwanda had a mobile population, chiefs could allocate land to clients outside the community that had a traditional claim to use the land, in clear parallel to Mozambique migrants on Malawi estates. These incomers were prepared to agree to a heavy burden of labour for access to land.The colonial administration gave a legal status to ubureetwa and up to the 1950s resisted abolishing it or commuting it to cash.^[27]

In the Congo Free State, forced labour, amounting to virtual slavery, was widely used on public works and to compel Africans to gather ivory or wild rubber.^[28] Although forced labour in the Belgian Congo was abolished in theory in 1908, from 1917 a system of forced cultivation of cotton, coffee and rice was introduced for the peasant population, using their own land. On Belgian-owned estates,a Labour Code introduced in 1922 allowed employers to physically discipline their workers, so supposedly free labour was turned into a system of forced labour. However, neither the peasants nor estate workers were tenants, so the system was rather different from thangata.^[29]

References

1. L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, Cambridge University Press pp. 87-8, ISBN 0-521-32182-4.
2. J. A. K. Kandaŵire, (1977). Thangata in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Systems of Land Tenure in Southern Malaŵi, with Special Reference to Chingale, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 47, No. 2, pp. 185-6.
3. C Newbury, (1980). Ubureetwa and Thangata: Catalysts to Peasant Political Consciousness in Rwanda and Malawi, Canadian Journal of African Studies, Vol.14, No. 1 (1980), pp. 97, 107-8.
4. J. A. K. Kandaŵire, (1977). Thangata in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Systems of Land Tenure in Southern Malaŵi, pp. 185, 187.
5. L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, Cambridge University Press pp. 79-81, 86-9.
6. L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 79-81, 86-9.
7. C Newbury, (1980). Ubureetwa and Thangata, pp. 107-9.
8. L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 105, 117, 194.
9. C. A. Baker (1962) Nyasaland, The History of its Export Trade, The Nyasaland Journal, Vol. 15, No.1, pp. 15-16, 19-20, 25.
10. L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 146-9.
11. J. A. K. Kandaŵire, (1977). Thangata in Pre-Colonial and Colonial Systems of Land Tenure in Southern Malaŵi, pp. 188.
12. L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 173-4.
13. Nyasaland Superintendent of the Census, (1946). Report on the Census, 1945, Zomba, Government Printer, pp. 15-17.
14. R Palmer, (1986). Working Conditions and Worker Responses on the Nyasaland Tea Estates, 1930-1953, pp. 119, 121-2, 126
15. R Palmer, (1986). Working Conditions and Worker Responses on the Nyasaland Tea Estates, 1930-1953, Journal of African History, Vol. 27, No. 1pp. pp. 122-3, 125
16. J G Pike, (1969). Malawi: A Political and Economic History, London, Pall Mall Press, pp.128-30, 188.
17. J McCracken, (1984) Share-Cropping in Malawi: The Visiting Tenant System in the Central Province c. 1920-1968, in Malawi: An Alternative Pattern of Development, Edinburgh 1984, University of Edinburgh pp. 37-8, 41-2.
18. J McCraken, (2012). A History of Malawi, 1859-1966 Woodbridge, James Currey pp. 170, 253. ISBN 978-1-84701-050-6.
19. L A H Msukwa, (1994) Food Policy and Production: Towards Increased Household Food Security, Zomba, University of Malawi Centre for Social Research pp 25-6.
20. L White, (1987). Magomero: Portrait of an African Village, pp. 88.
21. N Webster and L Engberg-Pedersen, (2002). In the Name of the Poor: Contesting Political Space for Poverty Reduction, Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-85649-959-0
22. M. Whiteside, (1999). Ganyu Labour in Malawi and its implications for Livelihood Security Interventions pp. 6-7. http://www.eldis.org/fulltext/ganyu.pdf
23. Thangata: social bondage and big tobacco in Malawi” http://www.sidewalkradio.net/?p=23
24. R Oliver and G N Sanderson, (1985). The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 6, p. 457-9.
25. H Slater (1975) Land, Labour and Capital in Natal: The Natal Land and Colonisation Company 1860-1948, The Journal of African History, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 257, 263-5.
26. Green Colonialism in Zimbabwe, 1890-1980, Amherst (NY) Cambria Press, pp. 113-14. ISBN 978-1-60497-645-8
27. C Newbury, (1980). Ubureetwa and Thangata, pp. 98, 104, 108.
28. S Miers (2003)Slavery in the Twentieth Century: The Evolution of a Global Pattern, Walnut Creek (CA) Altamira Press pp. 40, 53. ISBN 0-7591-0339-9
29. V. Houben (2011). (Un)freedom, Colonial Labour Relations in Belgian Congo and the Dutch East Indies compared, http://vkc.library.uu.nl/vkc/seh/research/Lists/Events/Attachments/12/CH7.Houben.Labour%20exploitation.pdf