Bo (parsha)

This article is about Judaism's weekly Torah portion on the parashah of "Bo". For other uses, see Bo (disambiguation).

Bo (בֹּא — in Hebrew, the command form of "go," or "come," and the first significant word in the parashah, in Exodus 10:1) is the fifteenth weekly Torah portion (פָּרָשָׁה, parashah) in the annual Jewish cycle of Torah reading and the third in the Book of Exodus. It constitutes Exodus 10:1–13:16. The parashah is made up of 6,149 Hebrew letters, 1,655 Hebrew words, and 106 verses, and can occupy about 207 lines in a Torah Scroll (סֵפֶר תּוֹרָה, Sefer Torah).[1]

Jews read it the fifteenth Sabbath after Simchat Torah, generally in January or early February.[2] As the parashah describes the first Passover, Jews also read part of the parashah, Exodus 12:21–51, as the initial Torah reading for the first day of Passover, and another part, Exodus 13:1–16, as the initial Torah reading for the first intermediate day (Chol HaMoed) of Passover. Jews also read another part of the parashah, Exodus 12:1–20, which describes the laws of Passover, as the maftir Torah reading for the Special Sabbath Shabbat HaChodesh, which falls on Rosh Chodesh Nisan, the month in which Jews celebrate Passover.

The parashah tells of the last three plagues on Egypt and the first Passover.

The Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt (1830 painting by David Roberts)

Readings

In traditional Sabbath Torah reading, the parashah is divided into seven readings, or עליות, aliyot. In the Masoretic Text of the Hebrew Bible (תנ״ך, Tanakh), Parashah Bo has seven "open portion" (פתוחה, petuchah) divisions (roughly equivalent to paragraphs, often abbreviated with the Hebrew letter פ (peh)). Parashah Bo has seven further subdivisions, called "closed portion" (סתומה, setumah) divisions (abbreviated with the Hebrew letter ס (samekh)) within the open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) divisions. The first open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) contains the first and part of the second readings (עליות, aliyot). The second open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) covers the balance of the second and part of the third readings (עליות, aliyot). The third open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) covers the balance of the third and all of the fourth readings (עליות, aliyot). The fourth open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) covers the fifth and part of the sixth readings (עליות, aliyot). The fifth and sixth open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) divisions further divide the sixth reading (עליה, aliyah). The seventh open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) divides the seventh reading (עליה, aliyah). Closed portion (סתומה, setumah) divisions separate the first and second readings (עליות, aliyot), separate the second and third readings (עליות, aliyot), and separate the third and fourth readings (עליות, aliyot). Further closed portion (סתומה, setumah) divisions divide the fourth and sixth readings (עליות, aliyot), and conclude the seventh reading (עליה, aliyah).[3]

Moses Speaks to Pharaoh (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

First reading — Exodus 10:1–11

In the first reading (עליה, aliyah), after seven plagues, God continued visiting plagues on Egypt. Moses and Aaron warned Pharaoh to let the Israelites go, or suffer locusts covering the land.[4] Pharaoh's courtiers pressed Pharaoh to let the men go, so Pharaoh brought Moses and Aaron back and asked them, "Who are the ones to go?"[5] Moses insisted that young and old, sons and daughters, flocks and herds would go, but Pharaoh rejected Moses' request and expelled Moses and Aaron from his presence.[6] The first reading (עליה, aliyah) and a closed portion (סתומה, setumah) end here.[7]

The Plague of Locusts (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

Second reading — Exodus 10:12–23

In the second reading (עליה, aliyah), Moses held his rod over the land, and God drove an east wind to bring locusts to invade all the land.[8] Pharaoh summoned Moses and Aaron, asked forgiveness, and asked them to plead with God to remove the locusts.[9] Moses did so, and God brought a west wind to lift the locusts into the Sea of Reeds.[10] But God stiffened Pharaoh's heart, and he would not let the Israelites go.[11] The first open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) ends here.[12]

In the continuation of the reading (עליה, aliyah), God instructed Moses to hold his arm toward the sky to bring darkness upon the land, and Moses did so, but the Israelites enjoyed light.[13] The second reading (עליה, aliyah) and a closed portion (סתומה, setumah) end here.[14]

Third reading — Exodus 10:24–11:3

In the third reading (עליה, aliyah), Pharaoh summoned Moses and told him to go, leaving only the Israelites' flocks and herds behind, but Moses insisted that none of the Israelites' livestock be left behind, for "[W]e shall not know with what we are to worship the Lord until we arrive there."[15] But God stiffened Pharaoh's heart, and he expelled Moses saying: "[T]he moment you look upon my face, you shall die."[16] The second open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) ends here with the end of chapter 10.[17]

In the continuation of the reading (עליה, aliyah) in chapter 11, God told Moses that God would bring one more plague, and then Pharaoh would let the Israelites go.[18] God told Moses to tell the Israelites to ask their neighbors for silver and gold, and God disposed the Egyptians to favor the Israelites and Moses.[19] The third reading (עליה, aliyah) and a closed portion (סתומה, setumah) end here.[20]

Fourth reading — Exodus 11:4–12:20

In the fourth reading (עליה, aliyah), Moses warned Pharaoh that God would kill every firstborn in Egypt.[21] And Moses left Pharaoh in hot anger.[22] A closed portion (סתומה, setumah) ends here.[23]

The Fathers Took Some of the Blood and Smeared It on the Doorposts (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

In the continuation of the reading (עליה, aliyah), God told Moses and Aaron to mark that month as the first of the months of the year.[24] And God told them to instruct the Israelites in the laws of the Passover service, of the Passover lamb, and of abstaining from leavened bread.[25] (See Commandments below.) The fourth reading (עליה, aliyah) and the third open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) end here.[26]

Fifth reading — Exodus 12:21–28

In the short fifth reading (עליה, aliyah), Moses instructed the elders of Israel to kill their Passover lambs, paint their doorways with the lamb's blood, and remain inside their houses until the morning.[27] For God would smite the Egyptians, but when God saw the blood on the lintel, God would pass over the house and not allow "the Destroyer" to come into that house.[28] The Israelites were to observe the Passover service for all time, and when their children would ask what the service means, they were to say that it commemorated the time when God passed over the Israelites' houses when God smote the Egyptians. ' And the people bowed the head and worshipped.[29] And the Israelites did as God commanded Moses and Aaron.[30] The fifth reading (עליה, aliyah) and a closed portion (סתומה, setumah) end here.[31]

Lamentations over the Death of the Firstborn of Egypt (1877 painting by Charles Sprague Pearce)

Sixth reading — Exodus 12:29–51

In the sixth reading (עליה, aliyah), in the middle of the night, God struck down all the firstborn in Egypt.[32] Pharaoh arose in the night to a loud cry in Egypt, summoned Moses and Aaron, and told them to take the Israelites and go.[33] So the Israelites took their dough before it was leavened, and asked for silver, gold, and clothing from the Egyptians.[34] The fourth open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) ends here.[35]

In the continuation of the reading, the Israelites and a mixed multitude journeyed from Rameses to Sukkot.[36] They baked unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah), because they could not delay before they left Egypt.[37] The Israelites dwelt in Egypt for 430 years and left the land after the night of watching for the Lord.[38] The fifth open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) ends here.[39]

In the continuation of the reading (עליה, aliyah), God told Moses and Aaron the laws of who was to keep the Passover.[40] A closed portion (סתומה, setumah) ends here.[41]

There was not one home in Egypt in which a son had not died. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

The reading (עליה, aliyah) concludes with a notice that on the same day, God bought the Israelites out of Egypt.[42] The sixth reading (עליה, aliyah) and the sixth open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) end here with the end of chapter 12.[41]

Seventh reading — Exodus 13:1–16

In the seventh reading (עליה, aliyah), in chapter 13, God instructed Moses to tell the Israelites to consecrate to God every firstborn man and beast, and Moses did so.[43] Moses told the people to remember the day and the month in which God brought them out of Egypt, and to keep the service to commemorate their deliverance in the same month, eating only unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah).[44] And they were to tell their children, to keep it as a sign upon their hands and for a memorial between their eyes, and to keep this ordinance in its season from year to year.[45] The seventh open portion (פתוחה, petuchah) ends here.[46]

In the continuation of the reading (עליה, aliyah), God instructed Moses in the laws of the firstborn.[47]

In the maftir (מפטיר) reading that concludes the parashah,[48] God instructed that if their children asked about consecrating the firstborn, the Israelites were to tell their children that God slew the firstborn of Egypt, and therefore the Israelites were to sacrifice to God all firstborn animals and redeem their firstborn sons.[49] And thus it shall be for a sign upon their hands, and for frontlets between their eyes, for with a mighty hand God brought them out of Egypt.[50] The seventh reading (עליה, aliyah), closed portion (סתומה, setumah), and the parashah end here.[51]

Readings according to the triennial cycle

Jews who read the Torah according to the triennial cycle of Torah reading read the parashah according to the following schedule:[52]

Year 1 Year 2 Year 3
2013–2014, 2016–2017, 2019–2020 . . . 2014–2015, 2017–2018, 2020–2021 . . . 2015–2016, 2018–2019, 2021–2022 . . .
Reading 10:1–11:3 11:4–12:28 12:29–13:16
1 10:1–3 11:4–10 12:29–32
2 10:4–6 12:1–10 12:33–36
3 10:7–11 12:11–13 12:37–42
4 10:12–15 12:14–16 12:43–51
5 10:16–23 12:17–20 13:1–4
6 10:24–29 12:21–24 13:5–10
7 11:1–3 12:25–28 13:11–16
Maftir 11:1–3 12:25–28 13:14–16

In ancient parallels

The parashah has parallels in these ancient sources:

Exodus chapters 12

The command to apply blood to the lintel and the two door-posts in Exodus 12:22 parallels Babylonian Namburbi rituals in which blood was smeared on doors and keyholes so that "evil [plague] shall not enter the house."[53]

In inner-biblical interpretation

The parashah has parallels or is discussed in these Biblical sources:[54]

Exodus chapters 7–12

The description of the 10 plagues exhibits patterns and progressions, as follows:

Cycle Number Plague Verses Was There

Warning?

Time Warned Introduction Actor Rod? Israelites

Shielded?

Did Pharaoh

Concede?

Who Hardened

Pharaoh's Heart?

First 1 blood Exodus 7:14–25 yes in the morning לֵךְ אֶל-פַּרְעֹה

Go to Pharaoh

Aaron yes no no passive voice
2 frogs Exodus 7:26–8:11

(8:1–15 in KJV)

yes unknown בֹּא אֶל-פַּרְעֹה

Go in to Pharaoh

Aaron yes no yes passive voice
3 gnats or lice Exodus 8:12–15

(8:16–19 in KJV)

no none none Aaron yes no no passive voice
Second 4 flies or

wild beasts

Exodus 8:16–28

(8:20–32 in KJV)

yes early in the morning וְהִתְיַצֵּב לִפְנֵי פַרְעֹה

stand before Pharaoh

God no yes yes Pharaoh
5 livestock Exodus 9:1–7 yes unknown בֹּא אֶל-פַּרְעֹה

Go in to Pharaoh

God no yes no Pharaoh
6 boils Exodus 9:8–12 no none none Moses no no no God
Third 7 hail Exodus 9:13–35 yes early in the morning וְהִתְיַצֵּב לִפְנֵי פַרְעֹה

stand before Pharaoh

Moses no yes yes passive voice
8 locusts Exodus 10:1–20 yes unknown בֹּא אֶל-פַּרְעֹה

Go in to Pharaoh

Moses yes no yes God
9 darkness Exodus 10:21–29 no none none Moses yes yes yes God
10 firstborn Exodus 11:1–10;

12:29–32;

yes unknown none God no yes yes God

Psalms 78:44–51 and 105:23–38 each recount differing arrangements of seven plagues. Psalm 78:44–51 recalls plagues of (1) blood, (2) flies, (3) frogs, (4) locusts, (5) hail, (6) livestock, and (7) firstborn, but not plagues of lice, boils, or darkness. Psalm 105:23–38 recalls plagues of (1) darkness, (2) blood, (3) frogs, (4) flies and lice, (5) hail, (6) locusts, and (7) firstborn, but not plagues of livestock or boils.

Exodus chapters 12–13

Passover

The Search for Leaven (illustration circa 1733–1739 by Bernard Picart)

Exodus 12:3–28 and 43–50 and 13:6–10 refer to the Festival of Passover. In the Hebrew Bible, Passover is called:

Some explain the double nomenclature of "Passover" and "Feast of Unleavened Bread" as referring to two separate feasts that the Israelites combined sometime between the Exodus and when the Biblical text became settled.[58] Exodus 34:18–20 and Deuteronomy 15:19–16:8 indicate that the dedication of the firstborn also became associated with the festival.

The Passover Seder of the Portuguese Jews (illustration circa 1733–1739 by Bernard Picart)

Some believe that the "Feast of Unleavened Bread" was an agricultural festival at which the Israelites celebrated the beginning of the grain harvest. Moses may have had this festival in mind when in Exodus 5:1 and 10:9 he petitioned Pharaoh to let the Israelites go to celebrate a feast in the wilderness.[59]

"Passover," on the other hand, was associated with a thanksgiving sacrifice of a lamb, also called "the Passover," "the Passover lamb," or "the Passover offering."[60]

Exodus 12:5–6, Leviticus 23:5, and Numbers 9:3 and 5, and 28:16 direct "Passover" to take place on the evening of the fourteenth of Aviv (Nisan in the Hebrew calendar after the Babylonian captivity). Joshua 5:10, Ezekiel 45:21, Ezra 6:19, and 2 Chronicles 35:1 confirm that practice. Exodus 12:18–19, 23:15, and 34:18, Leviticus 23:6, and Ezekiel 45:21 direct the "Feast of Unleavened Bread" to take place over seven days and Leviticus 23:6 and Ezekiel 45:21 direct that it begin on the fifteenth of the month. Some believe that the propinquity of the dates of the two festivals led to their confusion and merger.[59]

The Jews' Passover (facsimile of a 15th-century miniature from a missel with paintings by the School of Van Eyck)

Exodus 12:23 and 27 link the word "Passover" (Pesach, פֶּסַח) to God's act to "pass over" (pasach, פָסַח) the Israelites' houses in the plague of the firstborn. In the Torah, the consolidated Passover and Feast of Unleavened Bread thus commemorate the Israelites' liberation from Egypt.[61]

Professor Benjamin Sommer of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America saw in Exodus 12:9 and Deuteronomy 16:7 a case in which one Biblical author explicitly interpreted another Biblical text. Both texts provide regulations concerning the Passover sacrifice, but the regulations differ. Deuteronomy 16:7 instructed the Israelites to boil the Passover sacrifice. Sommer argued that Exodus 12:9 takes issue with Deuteronomy 16:7 on this point, however, warning (in Sommer’s translation), “Don’t eat it raw or boiled in water; rather, [eat it] roasted in fire.” Sommer did not find such a disagreement in this ancient Jewish literature surprising, arguing that two groups in the Biblical period agreed that the Passover sacrifice was important but disagreed on its precise details.[62]

The Hebrew Bible frequently notes the Israelites' observance of Passover at turning points in their history. Numbers 9:1–5 reports God's direction to the Israelites to observe Passover in the wilderness of Sinai on the anniversary of their liberation from Egypt. Joshua 5:10–11 reports that upon entering the Promised Land, the Israelites kept the Passover on the plains of Jericho and ate unleavened cakes and parched corn, produce of the land, the next day. 2 Kings 23:21–23 reports that King Josiah commanded the Israelites to keep the Passover in Jerusalem as part of Josiah's reforms, but also notes that the Israelites had not kept such a Passover from the days of the Biblical judges nor in all the days of the kings of Israel or the kings of Judah, calling into question the observance of even Kings David and Solomon. The more reverent 2 Chronicles 8:12–13, however, reports that Solomon offered sacrifices on the festivals, including the Feast of Unleavened Bread. And 2 Chronicles 30:1–27 reports King Hezekiah's observance of a second Passover anew, as sufficient numbers of neither the priests nor the people were prepared to do so before then. And Ezra 6:19–22 reports that the Israelites returned from the Babylonian captivity observed Passover, ate the Passover lamb, and kept the Feast of Unleavened Bread seven days with joy.

In early nonrabbinic interpretation

The parashah has parallels or is discussed in these early nonrabbinic sources:[63]

Philo

Exodus chapter 12

Philo wrote that God instructed the Israelites to offer unleavened bread and bitter herbs together with the Passover sacrifice because unleavened bread signified great haste and speed, while bitter herbs signified the life of bitterness and struggle that the Israelites endured as slaves. Philo also taught that the deeper meaning was that leavened and fermented foods rose, while unleavened foods remained low, and each of these states symbolized types of the soul. Leavening symbolized the haughty soul swollen with arrogance, while the unleavened symbolized the unchangeable and prudent soul choosing the middle way rather than extremes. The bitter herbs manifested a psychic migration from passion to impassivity and from wickedness to virtue. For, Philo taught, those who naturally and genuinely repented became bitter toward their former way of life, lamenting the time that they had given over to the seductive and deceitful mistress of desire, being deceived by desire when they ought to have renewed themselves and advanced in the contemplation of wisdom toward the goal of a happy and immortal life. And so, those who desired repentance ate the unleavened bread with bitter herbs; they first ate bitterness over their old and unendurable life, and then ate the opposite of boastful arrogance in meditation on humility. For, Philo concluded, the memory of former sins caused fear, and by restraining sin through recollection, brought profit to the mind.[64]

The Lord sent Moses to warn Pharaoh about a locust plague. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

In classical rabbinic interpretation

The parashah is discussed in these rabbinic sources from the era of the Mishnah and the Talmud:[65]

Exodus chapter 10

Reading Exodus 12:1, 12:43, and 12:50, a Midrash taught that in 18 verses, Scripture places Moses and Aaron (the instruments of Israel's deliverance) on an equal footing (reporting that God spoke to both of them alike),[66] and thus there are 18 benedictions in the Amidah.[67]

A Midrash taught that in Exodus 10:1, God begins with the word "Come (בֹּא, bo)," instead of "Go (לֶך, lech)," to teach that the Glory of God fills the whole earth, including Pharaoh's Egypt.[68]

Rabbi Johanan asked whether God's words in Exodus 10:1, "For I have hardened his heart," did not provide heretics with ground for arguing that Pharaoh had no means of repenting. Rabbi Simeon ben Lakish (Resh Lakish) replied that the mouths of the heretics should be stopped up. For, as Proverbs 3:34 teaches, "If it concerns the scorners, He scorns them." When God warns people once, twice, and even a third time, and they still do not repent, then God closes their hearts against repentance so that God may exact vengeance from them for their sins. Thus it was with the wicked Pharaoh. Since God sent five times to him (in the first five plagues) and he took no notice, God then told Pharaoh that he had stiffened his neck and hardened his heart, so God would add to Pharaoh's impurity. The Midrash taught that the expression "I hardened" (הִכְבַּדְתִּי, hichbad'ti) implied that God made Pharaoh's heart like a liver (כָּבֵד, kaveid), which stiffens (and becomes unabsorbent) if boiled a second time. So Pharaoh's heart was made like a liver, and he did not receive the words of God.[69]

Similarly, Rabbi Phinehas, the priest, son of Rabbi Hama, interpreted God's hardening of Pharaoh's heart in light of Job 36:13, "But they who are godless in heart lay up anger; they cry not for help when He binds them." Rabbi Phinehas taught that if the godless, for whose repentance God waits, do not do so, then later on, even when they do think of it, God distracts their hearts from penitence. Rabbi Phinehas interpreted the words of Job 36:13, "And they who are godless in heart," to teach that those who begin by being godless in heart end up bringing upon themselves God's anger. And Rabbi Phinehas interpreted the words of Job 36:13, "They cry not for help when He binds them," to teach that though the godless wish later to return to God and to pray to God, they are no longer able, because God binds them and bars their way. Thus after several plagues, Pharaoh wished to pray to God, but God told Moses in Exodus 8:16: "Before he goes out [to pray to God], stand before Pharaoh."[70]

Reading the words of Exodus 10:1, "and the heart of his servants," a Midrash taught that when Pharaoh's heart softened, his servants' hardened, and when they softened, he hardened. When both softened, God hardened their hearts, as Exodus 10:1 states. God closed their hearts to repentance to punish them for their earlier stubbornness.[71]

Reading the words "My signs (אֹתֹתַי, ototai) in the midst of them" in Exodus 10:1, Rabbi Judah ben Simon taught that God inscribed the letters of the plagues on their very bodies. Similarly, a Midrash taught that God inscribed abbreviations of the plagues on the staff of Moses, so that he would know which plague was next.[72]

The Plague of Locusts (illustration from the 1890 Holman Bible)

It was taught in a Baraita that Rabbi Judah the Prince (or others say Rabbi Meir) used to say that Providence repays a person measure for measure.[73] Thus, a Midrash taught that God sent the plagues against Pharaoh measure for measure. God changed the Egyptians' water into blood because the Egyptians prevented the Israelites from using the ritual bath (מִקְוֶה, mikveh) so as to prevent the Israelite women from having marital relations with their husbands. God brought frogs because the Egyptians had ordered the Israelites to bring them reptiles and creeping creatures (which were an abomination to the Israelites). God sent lice because the Egyptians had made the Israelites clean the dirty streets and marketplaces. God sent swarms of wild animals because the Egyptians had demanded that the Israelites catch bears, lions, and leopards so as to separate the Israelite men from their wives. God brought the pestilence upon the Egyptians' cattle because they had forced the Israelites to serve as shepherds so as to keep the Israelite men away from their wives. God sent boils because the Egyptians had demanded that the Israelites warm things for them. God sent hail to destroy the Egyptians' crops because the Egyptians had sent the Israelites into the fields to plow and sow. God brought the locusts to destroy the Egyptians' grain because the Egyptians had forced the Israelites to plant wheat and barley for them. God brought darkness because among the Israelites were transgressors who had Egyptian patrons and lived in affluence and honor in Egypt and did not want to leave Egypt, and so God brought darkness so that God could kill these transgressors without the Egyptians' seeing.[74]

A Midrash taught that God brought the locusts upon the Egyptians in Exodus 10:1–20 because the Egyptians had made the Israelites sow wheat and barley for them, and thus God brought locusts to devour what the Israelites had sown for them.[75]

The Lord caused and east wind to blow in great swarms of locusts. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

A Midrash taught that God fixed a time of "tomorrow" for the plague of locusts in Exodus 10:4 so that the Egyptians might feel remorse and do penitence (thus showing that the Egyptians were still not barred from doing penitence).[75]

A Midrash read the words of Exodus 10:6, "And he turned, and went out from Pharaoh," to teach that Moses saw Pharaoh's ministers turning to one another, as if inclined to believe the words of Moses. So Moses turned to go out to allow them to talk about how to repent.[76]

Reading in Exodus 10:7 that "Pharaoh's servants said to him: ‘How long shall this man be a snare unto us?'" the Sages counted Pharaoh's servants among six exemplars who gave good advice, along with Naaman's servants, King Saul's ministers, the ministers of the King of Aram, and the ministers of King Ahasuerus.[77]

Reading Pharaoh's question in Exodus 10:8, "Who are they that shall go?" a Midrash taught that Pharaoh asked this because he saw in the stars that of all who would leave Egypt, only two, Joshua and Caleb, were destined to enter the Land of Israel. It was to these two to whom Pharaoh alluded when he asked, "Who are they?"[78]

Pharaoh drove Moses and Aaron out of his presence. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

A Midrash read Pharaoh's words to Moses in Exodus 10:10, "see that evil is before your face," to indicate that Pharaoh deduced that one who made a request for the young and the old to go could have only one object in mind — to flee. Pharaoh thus perceived that Moses sought to do evil and flee. On that account, Pharaoh said that he would not listen to Moses in anything further, and in the words of Exodus 10:11, "they were driven out from Pharaoh's presence"[79]

The Mishnat Rabbi Eliezer taught that Pharaoh mocked the Israelites when he told Moses in Exodus 10:11, "for that is what you desire." The Mishnat Rabbi Eliezer taught that mockery yields evil results, for God did not change the course of nature in any of the plagues until Pharaoh mocked the Israelites. Pharaoh jeered at the Israelites, telling Moses "You tell me, ‘The men, the women, and the children are to go'; yet you really need only the men." And since Pharaoh mocked the Israelites, God altered the course of nature and turned light into darkenss upon Pharaoh.[80]

A Midrash read Pharaoh's words to Moses in Exodus 10:16, "I have sinned against the Lord your God," to apply to Pharaoh's not letting the Israelites go free (as God had commanded Pharaoh through Moses). And Pharaoh's words to Moses, "I have sinned . . . against you," to apply to Pharaoh's driving Moses out from his presence, as well as to Pharaoh's intention to curse Moses when Pharaoh said in Exodus 10:10, "So be the Lord with you." Thus Pharaoh sought forgiveness in Exodus 10:17, asking Moses, "Now therefore forgive, I pray, my sin only this once."[75]

Moses prayed and God caused the wind to blow the locusts into the sea. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael called the east wind with which God brought the plague of the locusts in Exodus 10:13 "the mightiest of winds." The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael taught that God used the east wind to punish the generation of the Flood, the people of the Tower of Babel, the people of Sodom, the Egyptians in Exodus 10:13, the Tribes of Judah and Benjamin,[81] the Ten Tribes,[82] Tyre,[83] a wanton empire,[84] and the wicked of Gehinnom.[85]

Reading the words of Exodus 10:19, "there remained not one locust in all the border of Egypt," Rabbi Johanan taught that when the locusts first came, the Egyptians rejoiced and gathered them and filled barrels with them. Then God became outraged that the Egyptians would rejoice with the plagues that God had brought upon them. And immediately (as reported in Exodus 10:19), "the Lord turned an exceeding strong west wind, which took up the locusts." And the Midrash interpreted the words of Exodus 10:19, "there remained not one locust in all the border of Egypt," to teach that the wind blew away even the locusts that the Egyptians had pickled in their pots and barrels.[86]

A Midrash taught that God brought darkness upon the people in Exodus 10:21–23 because some Israelite transgressors had Egyptian patrons, lived in affluence and honor, and were unwilling to leave Egypt. God reasoned that bringing a plague and killing these transgressors publicly would cause the Egyptians to conclude that the plagues punished Egyptians and Israelites alike, and thus did not come from God. Thus, God brought darkness upon the Egyptians for three days, so that the Israelites could bury the dead transgressors without the Egyptians seeing them do so.[87]

There was darkness throughout the land of Egypt. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

Reading the words "even darkness that could be felt" in Exodus 10:22, the Sages conjectured that it was as thick as a denar coin, for "even darkness that could be felt" implied a darkness that had substance.[88]

Rabbi Abdimi of Haifa interpreted the words "thick darkness" in Exodus 10:22 to teach that the darkness was doubled and redoubled.[87]

The Rabbis taught that there were seven days of darkness. During the first three days, one who wished to arise from sitting could do so, and the one who wished to sit down could do so. Concerning these days Exodus 10:22–23 says: "And there was a thick darkness in all the land of Egypt three days; and they did not see one another." During the last three days, one who sat could not stand up, one who stood could not sit down, and one who was lying down could not rise upright. Concerning these days Exodus 10:23 says: "neither rose any from his place for three days."[89]

During the three days of thick darkness, God gave the Israelites favor in the eyes of the Egyptians, so that the Egyptians lent the Israelites everything. An Israelite would enter an Egyptian's house, and if the Israelite saw gold and silver vessels or garments, and when the Israelite asked for them the Egyptian replied that the Egyptian had nothing to lend, the Israelite would say where the goods were. The Egyptians would then reason that had the Israelites desired to deceive the Egyptians, they could have easily taken the goods during the darkness and the Egyptians would not have noticed. But since the Israelites did not take the goods, the Egyptians reasoned that the Israelites would not keep them. And so the Egyptians lent the Israelites their things, so as to fulfill what Genesis 15:14 foretold: "Afterward shall they come out with great substance."[89]

Pharaoh called Moses and said, "You may go to worship the Lord. . . . But all your animals must stay here." (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

The Midrash noted that Exodus 10:23 says: "but all the children of Israel had light in their dwellings," not, "in the land of Goshen," and concluded that light accompanied the Israelites wherever they went and illumined what was within barrels, boxes, and treasure-chests. Concerning them Psalm 119:105 says: "Your word is a lamp for my feet."[89]

The Midrash taught that the six days of darkness occurred in Egypt, while the seventh day of darkness was a day of darkness of the sea, as Exodus 14:20 says: "And there was the cloud and the darkness here, yet it gave light by night there." So God sent clouds and darkness and covered the Egyptians with darkness, but gave light to the Israelites, as God had done for them in Egypt. Hence Psalm 27:1 says: "The Lord is my light and my salvation." And the Midrash taught that in the Messianic Age, as well, God will bring darkness to sinners, but light to Israel, as Isaiah 60:2 says: "For, behold, darkness shall cover the earth, and gross darkness the peoples; but upon you the Lord will shine."[90]

Pharaoh was very angry. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

A Midrash noted that Exodus 7:13 reports that "Pharaoh's heart was hardened" without God's action, and that this was so for the first five plagues. As the first five plagues did not move Pharaoh to release the Israelites, God decreed that from then on, even if Pharaoh had agreed to release the Israelites, God would not accept it. Thus starting with the sixth plague and thereafter, as Exodus 10:27 reports, the text says, "the Lord hardened Pharaoh's heart."[91]

Exodus chapter 11

A Midrash told that immediately after the exchange between Pharaoh and Moses in Exodus 10:28–29, in which Pharaoh told Moses, "Take heed to see my face no more," and Moses answered, "I will see your face again no more" — but before Moses left Pharaoh's presence — God thought that God still had to inform Pharaoh of one more plague. Immediately therefore God hurriedly entered the palace of Pharaoh for the sake of Moses, so that Moses would not appear untruthful for having said that Moses would see Pharaoh's face no more. The Midrash taught that this was the only occasion when God spoke with Moses in Pharaoh's house. So God rushed into Pharaoh's palace and told Moses, as Exodus 11:1 reports, "Yet one plague more will I bring upon Pharaoh." When Moses heard this, he rejoiced. Moses then proclaimed, as Exodus 11:4 reports, "Thus says the Lord: ‘About midnight will I go out into the midst of Egypt.'" Moses told Pharaoh that Pharaoh was right that Moses would see Pharaoh's face no more, for Moses would no longer come to Pharaoh, but Pharaoh would come to Moses. And not only would Pharaoh come, but also the chief of his hosts, his governor, and all his courtiers, imploring and prostrating themselves to Moses for the Israelites to depart from Egypt, as Exodus 11:8 reports that Moses said, "And all these your servants shall come down to me." Moses did not wish to say that Pharaoh would bow down to Moses, out of respect for royalty.[92]

Moses delivered God's final message. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

The Gemara deduced from the words, "About midnight I will go out into the midst of Egypt," in Exodus 11:4 that even Moses did not know exactly when midnight fell. The Gemara reasoned that Exodus 11:4 could not say "about midnight" because God told Moses "about midnight," for God cannot have any doubt about when midnight falls. Thus the Gemara concluded that God told Moses "at midnight," and then Moses told Pharaoh "about midnight" because Moses was in doubt as to the exact moment of midnight.[93] But Rav Zeira argued that Moses certainly knew the exact time of midnight, but said "about midnight" because he thought that Pharaoh's astrologers might make a mistake as to the exact moment of midnight and then accuse Moses of being a liar. And Rav Ashi argued that in Exodus 11:4, Moses spoke at midnight of the night of the thirteenth of Nisan as it became the fourteenth of Nisan, and thus Moses said: "God said: ‘Tomorrow at the hour like the midnight of tonight, I will go out into the midst of Egypt.'"[94]

Rabbi Johanan taught that Song of Songs 2:12 speaks of Moses when it says, "The voice of the turtle (tor) is heard in our land," reading the verse to mean, "The voice of the good explorer (tayyar) is heard in our land." Rabbi Johanan taught that Song 2:12 thus speaks of Moses at the time of which Exodus 11:4 reports: "And Moses said: ‘Thus says the Lord: "About midnight will I go out into the midst of Egypt . . . ."'"[95]

The Gemara advised that because of the principle that a dream's realization follows its interpretation,[96] one who dreams of a dog should rise early and say the fortunate words of Exodus 11:7, "But against any of the children of Israel shall not a dog whet his tongue," before thinking of the unfortunate words of Isaiah 56:11 (regarding Israel's corrupt aristocracy), "Yea, the dogs are greedy," so as to attribute to the dream the more favorable meaning and thus the more fortunate realization.[97]

The Death of the Pharaoh's Firstborn (1872 painting by Lawrence Alma-Tadema)

Rabbi Jannai taught that one should always show respect to a ruler, following the example of Moses, who in Exodus 11:8, told Pharaoh that "all your servants shall . . . bow down to me," but out of respect for royalty did not say that Pharaoh himself would seek favors of Moses, as reported in Exodus 12:30–32.[98] Similarly, a Midrash interpreted God's instructions to Moses and Aaron in Exodus 6:13, "and to Pharaoh, King of Egypt," to convey that God told Moses and Aaron that although God really ought to punish Pharaoh, God wanted Moses and Aaron to show Pharaoh the respect due to his regal position. And Moses did so, as Exodus 11:8 reports that Moses told Pharaoh that God said, "And all these your servants shall come down to Me." Moses did not say that Pharaoh would come down, only that Pharaoh's servants would do so. But Moses could well have said that Pharaoh himself would come down, for Exodus 12:30 reports, "Pharaoh arose at midnight." But Moses did not mention Pharaoh specifically so as to pay him respect.[99]

Rabbi Joshua ben Karhah taught that a lasting effect resulted from every instance of "fierce anger" in the Torah. The Gemara questioned whether this principle held true in the case of Exodus 11:8, which reports that Moses "went out from Pharaoh in hot anger," but does not report Moses saying anything to Pharaoh as a result of his anger. In response, the Gemara reported that Resh Lakish taught that Moses slapped Pharaoh before he left Pharaoh's presence.[100]

Exodus chapter 12

The Mishnah reported that on the fourth Sabbath of the month of Adar (Shabbat HaChodesh), congregations read Exodus 12:1–20.[101]

The Mishnah taught that the first of Nisan is new year for kings and festivals.[102] And the Tosefta and a Baraita deduced from Exodus 12:2, "This month shall be to you the beginning of months; it shall be the first month of the year to you," that Nisan is the new year for months, and they begin to count months from Nisan.[103]

The Fourth Day of Creation (woodcut by Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld from the 1860 Die Bibel in Bildern)

The Pirke De-Rabbi Eliezer taught that God created the sun and the moon on the 28th of Elul. The entire Hebrew calendar — years, months, days, nights, seasons, and intercalation — were before God, and God intercalated the years and delivered the calculations to Adam in the Garden of Eden, as Genesis 5:1 can be read, "This is the calculation for the generations of Adam." Adam handed on the tradition to Enoch, who was initiated in the principle of intercalation, as Genesis 5:22 says, "And Enoch walked with God." Enoch passed the principle of intercalation to Noah, who conveyed the tradition to Shem, who conveyed it to Abraham, who conveyed it to Isaac, who conveyed it to Jacob, who conveyed it to Joseph and his brothers. When Joseph and his brothers died, the Israelites ceased to intercalate, as Exodus 1:6 reports, "And Joseph died, and all his brethren, and all that generation." God then revealed the principles of the Hebrew calendar to Moses and Aaron in Egypt, as Exodus 12:1–2 reports, "And the Lord spoke to Moses and Aaron in the land of Egypt saying, ‘This month shall be to you the beginning of months.'" The Pirke De-Rabbi Eliezer deduced from the word "saying" in Exodus 12:1 that God said to Moses and Aaron that until then, the principle of intercalation had been with God, but from then on it was their right to intercalate the year. Thus the Israelites intercalated the year and will until Elijah returns to herald in the Messianic Age.[104]

Rav Assi (or others say Rav Havivi) of Hozna'ah deduced from the words, "And it came to pass in the first month of the second year, on the first day of the month," in Exodus 40:17 that the Tabernacle was erected on the first of Nisan. With reference to this, a Tanna taught that the first of Nisan took ten crowns of distinction by virtue of the ten momentous events that occurred on that day. The first of Nisan was: (1) the first day of the Creation (as reported in Genesis 1:1–5), (2) the first day of the princes' offerings (as reported in Numbers 7:10–17), (3) the first day for the priesthood to make the sacrificial offerings (as reported in Leviticus 9:1–21), (4) the first day for public sacrifice, (5) the first day for the descent of fire from Heaven (as reported in Leviticus 9:24), (6) the first for the priests' eating of sacred food in the sacred area, (7) the first for the dwelling of the Shechinah in Israel (as implied by Exodus 25:8), (8) the first for the Priestly Blessing of Israel (as reported in Leviticus 9:22, employing the blessing prescribed by Numbers 6:22–27), (9) the first for the prohibition of the high places (as stated in Leviticus 17:3–4), and (10) the first of the months of the year (as instructed in Exodus 12:2).[105]

The Origin of the Paschal Lamb (woodcut by Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld from the 1860 Die Bibel in Bildern)

Tractate Beitzah in the Mishnah, Tosefta, Jerusalem Talmud, and Babylonian Talmud interpreted the laws common to all of the Festivals in Exodus 12:3–27, 43–49; 13:6–10; 23:16; 34:18–23; Leviticus 16; 23:4–43; Numbers 9:1–14; 28:16–30:1; and Deuteronomy 16:1–17; 31:10–13.[106]

Hillel (sculpture at the Knesset Menorah, Jerusalem)

Tractate Pesachim in the Mishnah, Tosefta, Jerusalem Talmud, and Babylonian Talmud interpreted the laws of the Passover in Exodus 12:3–27, 43–49; 13:6–10; 23:15; 34:25; Leviticus 23:4–8; Numbers 9:1–14; 28:16–25; and Deuteronomy 16:1–8.[107] And elsewhere, the Mishnah in tractate Zevahim taught that intent to eat the Passover offering raw (violating the commandment of Exodus 12:9) or to break the bones of the offering (violating the commandment of Exodus 12:46) did not invalidate the offering itself.[108] The Mishnah in tractate Challah taught that anyone who eats an olive's bulk of unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah) on Passover has fulfilled the obligation of Exodus 12:18, and interpreted Exodus 12:15 to teach that anyone who eats an olive's bulk of leavened bread (חָמֵץ, chametz) on Passover is liable to being cut off from the Jewish people.[109] Similarly, the Mishnah in tractate Beitzah reported that the House of Shammai held that an olive's bulk of leavening or a date's bulk (which is more than an olive's bulk) of leavened bread in one's house made one liable, but the House of Hillel held that an olive's bulk of either made one liable.[110] The Gemara noted that the command in Exodus 12:18 to eat unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah) on the first night of Passover applies to women (as did the command in Deuteronomy 31:12 for all Israelites to assemble), even though the general rule[111] is that women are exempt from time-bound positive commandments. The Gemara cited these exceptions to support Rabbi Johanan's assertion that one may not draw inferences from general rules, for they often have exceptions.[112]

Jews searching for leaven (scene from The Golden Haggadah, circa 1320)

The Mishnah taught that on the evening of the 14th of Nisan, Jews searched for leavened food in the house by candlelight. Any place into which one did not bring leavened food did not require checking. The Sages taught that one needed to check two rows in a wine cellar, as it was a place into which one brought leavened food. The House of Shammai taught that one needed to check the two front rows of the entire wine cellar, but the House of Hillel taught that one needed to check only the two outer rows that were uppermost.[113] They did not worry that perhaps a weasel had dragged leavened bread from house to house, or from place to place, for if they had, they would have had to worry that the weasel had dragged leavened bread from courtyard to courtyard and from city to city, and there would have been no end to the matter.[114] Rabbi Judah taught that they searched for leavened foods on the evening of the 14th, and on the morning of the 14th, and at the time that they destroyed the leavened foods (in the sixth hour — between 11 a.m. and noon). But the Sages maintained that if they did not search on the evening of the 14th, they needed to search on the 14th; if they did not search in the morning of the 14th, they needed to search at the time that they destroyed the leavened foods; if they did not search at that time, they needed to search after that time. And what they left over for the last morning meal before the Festival, they needed to put away in a hidden place, so that they should not need to search after it.[115] Rabbi Meir taught that they could eat leavened foods through the fifth hour of the morning, and needed to burn it at the beginning of the sixth hour. Rabbi Judah taught that they could eat it through the fourth hour of the morning, needed to keep it in suspense during the fifth hour, and needed to burn it at the beginning of the sixth hour.[116] Rabbi Judah also told that they used to put two unfit loaves of the thank offering on the roof of the Temple portico, and as long as the loaves lay there, all the people would eat leavened foods. When they would remove one loaf, the people would keep leavened foods in suspense, neither eating nor burning it. And when they removed both loaves, the people began burning their leavened foods. Rabban Gamaliel taught that unconsecrated leavened bread (חולין, chullin) could be eaten through the fourth hour of the morning, and leavened bread that was a heave-offering (תְּרוּמָה, terumah) could be eaten through the fifth hour, and they burned them at the beginning of the sixth hour.[117] The Mishnah taught that during the entire time that one was permitted to eat leavened food, one was allowed to feed it to cattle, beasts, and birds; sell it to a gentile; and otherwise to benefit from it. When its period had passed, benefit from it was forbidden, and one was not even allowed to fire an oven or a pot range with it. Rabbi Judah taught that there was no destruction of leavened food except by burning. But the Sages maintained that one could also crumble it and throw it to the wind or casts it into the sea.[118]

wheat

The Mishnah taught that the grains with which one could discharge one's obligation (pursuant to Exodus 12:18) to eat unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah) on Passover included wheat, barley, spelt, rye, and oats. And the Mishnah taught that they discharged their obligation even with unleavened bread made from agricultural produce for which it was uncertain whether tithes had been separated (דמאי, demai), with first tithe whose heave-offering had been separated, and with second tithe or consecrated materials that had been redeemed. And priests could discharge their obligation with unleavened bread made from the portion of dough that was given to priests (challah) and heave-offering (תְּרוּמָה, terumah). But one could not discharge the obligation with unleavened bread made from grain that was mixed or untithed (tevel), nor with first tithe whose heave-offering had not been separated, nor with second tithe or consecrated materials that had not been redeemed. As to the unleavened loaves of the thank offering and the wafers brought by a nazirite (נָזִיר, nazir), the Sages made this distinction: If one made them for oneself, one could not discharge the obligation with them. But if one made them to sell in the market to those who required such products, one could discharge the obligation with them.[119]

The Mishnah reported that if the 14th of Nisan falls on the Sabbath, Rabbi Meir taught that one must destroy leaven before the Sabbath (except for that required for the beginning of the Sabbath itself). But the Sages maintained that one destroys the leaven at its usual time (on the morning of the 14th). Rabbi Eleazar bar Zadok taught that one had to destroy consecrated meat before the Sabbath (because if any was left, none could eat it), and unconsecrated food at its usual time (because one could easily find eaters for it).[120] The Mishnah taught that those on the way to perform religious duties who recollect leaven at home, if they are able to go back, destroy it, and then return to the religious duty, must go back and destroy it. But if they cannot, then they annul it in their heart. Similarly, those on the way to save people from an emergency annul it in their heart. But those on their way to appoint a Sabbath station to set the limits of where they may travel on the Sabbath must return immediately to destroy the leaven.[121] Similarly, those who left Jerusalem and recollected that they had consecrated meat with them, if they had passed Mount Scopus, they burned it where they were. But if they had not traveled that far, they returned and burned it in front of the Temple with the wood arranged for use in the altar. The Mishnah then discussed for what quantity they had to return. Rabbi Meir said for both leaven and consecrated meat, they had to return for a quantity as much as an egg. Rabbi Judah said when there was as much as an olive. But the Sages ruled that for consecrated meat, they had to return for as much as an olive; while for leaven, they had to return for as much as an egg.[122]

The Jews' Passover (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

Chapter 10 of Mishnah Pesachim taught the procedure for the Passover Seder. On the eve of Passover, no one was to eat from before the Minhah offering (about 3:00 pm) until nightfall. That night, even the poorest people in Israel were not to eat until they reclined in the fashion of free people. Every person was to drink not less than four cups of wine, even if the public charities had to provide it.[123]

But one was not to eat unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah) during the day before the Seder. Rabbi Levi said that those who eat unleavened bread on the day before Passover are like those who cohabit with their betrothed before they are fully married.[124] Rava used to drink wine all day before the Seder so as to whet his appetite to eat more unleavened bread in the evening.[125]

Greek men reclining at a symposium — after which reclining at the Passover seder is modeled (scene from an Attic krater circa 420 BCE)

The Gemara taught that one needed to recline for the eating of the unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah) and for the drinking of the wine, but not for the bitter herbs.[126]

A Baraita taught that each of the four cups of wine needed to contain at least a reviis of wine (the volume of one and a half eggs, or roughly 4 to 5 ounces). And Rav Nachman bar Yitzchak taught that one must drink most of each cup.[127]

The Rabbis taught that Jews are duty bound to make their children and their household rejoice on a Festival, for Deuteronomy 16:14 says, "And you shall rejoice it, your feast, you and your son and your daughter." The Gemara taught that one makes them rejoice with wine. Rabbi Judah taught that men gladden with what is suitable for them, and women with what is suitable for them. The Gemara explained that what is suitable for men is wine. And Rav Joseph taught that in Babylonia, they gladdened women with colored garments, while in the Land of Israel, they gladdened women with pressed linen garments. Rabbi Judah ben Bathyra taught that in the days of the Temple in Jerusalem, Jews could not rejoice without meat (from an offering), as Deuteronomy 27:7 says, "And you shall sacrifice peace-offerings, and shall eat there; and you shall rejoice before the Lord your God." But now that the Temple no longer exists, Jews cannot rejoice without wine, as Psalm 105:15 says, "And wine gladdens the heart of man."[128]

The Israelites Eat the Passover (illustration from the 1728 Figures de la Bible)

The Mishnah continued that they mixed the first cup of wine for the leader of the Seder. The House of Shammai taught that the leader first recited a blessing for the day, and then a blessing over the wine, while the House of Hillel ruled that the leader first recited a blessing over the wine, and then recited a blessing for the day.[129]

Then they set food before the leader. The leader dipped and ate lettuce (which was karpas) before the bread. They set before the leader unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah), lettuce (hazeret), charoset, and two cooked dishes. The charoset was not mandatory, although Rabbi Eleazar son of Rabbi Zadok said that it was. In the days of the Temple in Jerusalem, they would bring the body of the Passover lamb before the leader.[130]

The Mishnah listed several vegetables that could fulfill the requirement to have a bitter herb (maror). They have been translated as lettuce, chicory, pepperwort, endives, and dandelion.[131]

They drank wine at the Passover meal. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

They filled a second cup of wine for the leader. Then a child asked questions. If the child was not intelligent, the parent would instruct the child to ask why this night was different from all other nights. On all other nights they ate leavened and unleavened bread, while on this night they ate only unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah). On all other nights, they ate all kinds of herbs, while on this night they ate only bitter herbs. On all other nights, they ate meat roasted, stewed, or boiled, while on this night they ate only roasted meat. On all other nights, they dipped once, while on this night they dipped twice. And the parent instructed according to the child's intelligence. The parent began to answer the questions by recounting the people's humble beginnings, and concluded with the people's praise. The parent recounted the credo of Deuteronomy 26:5–10, "My father was a wandering Aramean . . . ."[132]

The Rabbis taught in a Baraita that if a child is intelligent enough to ask the four questions, the child asks them. If the child is not intelligent enough, the wife asks them. If the wife does not ask the questions, the leader of the seder asks them. And even two scholars who know the laws of Passover must ask one another (if no one else can ask).[133]

Rabbi Akiva would distribute popcorn and nuts to children on the eve of Passover, so that they might not fall asleep but ask the four questions. Rabbi Eliezer taught that the unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah) was eaten hastily on the night of Passover, on account of the children, so that they should not fall asleep. Rabbi Akiva never said in the house of study that it was time to stop studying, except on the eve of Passover and the eve of the Day of Atonement. On the eve of Passover, it was because of the children, so that they might not fall asleep, and on the eve of the Day of Atonement, it was so that they should feed their children before the fast.[134]

That night each family roasted its lamb. (1984 illustration by Jim Padgett, courtesy of Distant Shores Media/Sweet Publishing)

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael taught that there are four types of children (as evinced by the four times — in Exodus 12:26; 13:8; 13:14; and Deuteronomy 6:20 — that Scripture reports telling a child) — the wise, the simple, the wicked, and the type who does not know how to ask. The wise child asks, in the words of Deuteronomy 6:20: “What mean the testimonies, and the statutes, and the ordinances, that the Lord our God has commanded you?” The Mekhilta taught that we explain to this child all the laws of Passover. The simple child asks, in the words of Exodus 13:14: “What is this?” The Mekhilta taught that we respond simply with the words of Exodus 13:14: “By strength of hand the Lord brought us out from Egypt, from the house of bondage.” The wicked child asks, in the words of Exodus 12:26: “What do you mean by this service?” The Mekhilta taught that because wicked children exclude themselves, we should also exclude this child in answering and say, in the words of Exodus 13:8: “It is because of what the Lord did for me when I came forth out of Egypt” — for me but not for you; had you been there, you would not have been saved. As for the child who does not know how to ask, the Mekhilta taught that we take the initiative, as Exodus 13:8 says (without having reported that the child asked), “You shall tell your child on that day.”[135]

Rabban Gamaliel said that one needed to mention three things on Passover to discharge one's duty: the Passover offering, unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah), and bitter herbs (maror). The Passover offering was sacrificed because God passed over the Israelites' houses in Egypt. They ate unleavened bread because the Israelites were redeemed from Egypt. And they ate bitter herbs because the Egyptians embittered the lives of the Israelites in Egypt. In every generation, all were bound to regard themselves as though they personally had gone out of Egypt, because Exodus 13:8 says, "You shall tell your child in that day: ‘It is because of what the Lord did for me when I came out of Egypt.'" Therefore, it was everyone's duty to thank and praise God for performing those miracles for the Israelites and their descendants. God brought them forth from bondage into freedom, from sorrow into joy, from mourning into festivity, from darkness into light, and from servitude into redemption. Therefore, they were to say hallelujah![136]

The Angel of Death and the First Passover (illustration from the 1897 Bible Pictures and What They Teach Us by Charles Foster)

The House of Shammai and the House of Hillel disagreed about how far one should recite into the Hallel, Psalms 113–118. The House of Shammai maintained that one recited until the words "as a joyous mother of children" in Psalms 113:9, while the House of Hillel said that one recited until the words "the flint into a fountain of waters" in Psalms 114:8. And one concluded with a blessing of redemption. Rabbi Tarfon used to say (that the blessing included), "who redeemed us and redeemed our fathers from Egypt," but one did not conclude with a blessing. Rabbi Akiva said (that one added to Rabbi Tarfon's version the following), "So may the Lord our God and the God of our fathers allow us to reach other seasons and festivals in peace, rejoicing in the rebuilding of Your city and glad in Your service, and there we will eat the sacrifices and the Passover-offerings . . . ," (and one proceeded) as far as, "Blessed are You, o Lord, who have redeemed Israel."[137]

The Mishnah continued that they filled the third cup of wine. The leader then recited the Grace After Meals. Over the fourth cup, the leader concluded the Hallel, and recited the grace of song. Between the first, second, and third cups, one could drink if one wished, but between the third and the fourth cups one was not permitted to drink.[138]

One may not conclude the Passover meal with dainties.[139] If some of the party fell asleep, they could eat when they awoke, but if all fell asleep, they were not permitted to eat.[140] Rabbi Jose said that if they slept only lightly, they could eat, but if they fell fast asleep, they were not permitted to eat.[141]

Rabban Gamaliel once reclined at a Passover seder at the house of Boethus ben Zeno in Lud, and they discussed the laws of the Passover all night until the cock crowed. Then they raised the table, stretched, and went to the house of study.[142]

The Mishnah noted differences between the first Passover in Exodus 12:3–27, 43–49; 13:6–10; 23:15; 34:25; Leviticus 23:4–8; Numbers 9:1–14; 28:16–25; and Deuteronomy 16:1–8. and the second Passover in Numbers 9:9–13. The Mishnah taught that the prohibitions of Exodus 12:19 that "seven days shall there be no leaven found in your houses" and of Exodus 13:7 that "no leaven shall be seen in all your territory" applied to the first Passover; while at the second Passover, one could have both leavened and unleavened bread in one's house. And the Mishnah taught that for the first Passover, one was required to recite the Hallel (Psalms 113–118) when the Passover lamb was eaten; while the second Passover did not require the reciting of Hallel when the Passover lamb was eaten. But both the first and second Passovers required the reciting of Hallel when the Passover lambs were offered, and both Passover lambs were eaten roasted with unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah) and bitter herbs. And both the first and second Passovers took precedence over the Sabbath.[143]

The Signs on the Door (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

A Midrash interpreted the words of Exodus 8:22, "Lo, if we sacrifice the abomination of the Egyptians before their eyes, will they not stone us?" to teach that the Egyptians saw the lamb as a god. Thus, when God told Moses to slay the paschal lamb (as reflected in Exodus 12:21), Moses asked God how he could possibly do so, when the lamb was as Egyptian god. God replied that the Israelites would not depart from Egypt until they slaughtered the Egyptian gods before the Egyptians' eyes, so that God might teach them that their gods were really nothing at all. And thus God did so, for on the same night that God slew the Egyptian firstborn, the Israelites slaughtered their paschal lambs and ate them. When the Egyptians saw their firstborn slain and their gods slaughtered, they could do nothing, as Numbers 33:4 reports, "While the Egyptians were burying them whom the Lord had smitten among them, even all their firstborn; upon their gods also the Lord executed judgment."[144]

A Midrash noted that God commanded the Israelites to perform certain precepts with similar material from trees: God commanded that the Israelites throw cedar wood and hyssop into the Red Heifer mixture of Numbers 19:6 and use hyssop to sprinkle the resulting waters of lustration in Numbers 19:18; God commanded that the Israelites use cedar wood and hyssop to purify those stricken with skin disease in Leviticus 14:4–6; and in Egypt God commanded the Israelites to use the bunch of hyssop to strike the lintel and the two side-posts with blood in Exodus 12:22.[145]

A Midrash taught that the words of Song 2:13, "The fig-trees put forth her green figs," refer to the sinners of Israel who died in the three days of darkness, as Exodus 10:22–23 says, "And there was a thick darkness . . . they saw not one another."[146]

The Mishnah described the appropriate hyssop for ceremonial use as a bunch containing three stalks bearing three buds. Rabbi Judah said three stalks bearing three buds each.[147]

The Plague of the Firstborn (1802 painting by J. M. W. Turner)

Reading Exodus 12:23, "For the Lord will pass through to smite the Egyptians," a Midrash observed that some say that God acted through the medium of an angel ("the Destroyer," הַמַּשְׁחִית, ha-mashchit), while others said that God acted on God's own.[148]

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael interpreted the words "the firstborn of Pharaoh who sat on his throne" in Exodus 12:29 to teach that Pharaoh himself was a firstborn, as well. And the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael taught that God preserved him as the only firstborn of Egypt to survive the plague.[149]

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael asked how the captives had sinned that God struck their firstborn, as Exodus 12:29 reports. The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael explained that God struck them so that they should not say that their god brought this punishment on the Egyptians but not on them. Alternatively, the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael told that God struck them because the captives used to rejoice over every decree that Pharaoh decreed against the Israelites. And the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael taught that the Egyptian servants did so, as well, thus explaining why God said in Exodus 11:5 that God would strike the firstborn of the maidservant who was behind the mill.[150]

Pharaoh Urges Moses and Aaron to Depart (woodcut by Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld from the 1860 Die Bibel in Bildern)

Reading the report of Exodus 12:30 that "there was not a house where there was not one dead," Rabbi Nathan asked whether there were no houses without firstborn. The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael explained that when an Egyptian firstborn would die, the parents would set up a statue of the firstborn in the house. The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael further taught that on the night of the plague of the firstborn, God crushed, ground, and scattered those statues as well, and the parents grieved anew as though they had just buried their firstborn.[151]

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael interpreted the words "and he called for Moses and Aaron" in Exodus 12:31 to teach that Pharaoh went around the land of Egypt asking everyone where Moses and Aaron lived.[152]

The Egyptian Firstborn Destroyed (illustration from the 1728 Figures de la Bible)

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael explained that the Egyptians said, "We are all dead men," in Exodus 12:33 because in many families, many sons died. The Egyptian men had thought that a man who had four or five sons would have lost only the eldest, in accord with the warning of Moses in Exodus 11:5 that "the firstborn in the land of Egypt shall die." But they did not know, told the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, that all their sons were the firstborn sons of different bachelors with whom their wives had committed adultery. God exposed the women's adultery, and all of the sons died. The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael taught that if God makes public evil, which is of lesser importance, how much more will God reward good, which is of greater importance.[153]

Rabbi Ammi read the words of Exodus 12:36, “And they let them have what they asked,” to teach that the Egyptians let the Israelites have their goods against their will. Some said that it was against the Egyptians’ will, while others said that it was against the Israelites’ will. Those who said that it was against the Egyptians’ will cite Psalm 68:13, “And she who waits at home divides the spoil.” Those who said that it was against the Israelites’ will said that it was because of the burden of carrying the Egyptians’ goods. Rabbi Ammi read the words of Exodus 12:36, “And they despoiled Egypt,” to teach that they made Egypt like a trap for birds without any grain (as a lure). Resh Lakish said that they made Egypt it like a pond without fish.[154]

Rav Judah in the name of Samuel deduced from Genesis 47:14 that Joseph gathered in and brought to Egypt all the gold and silver in the world. The Gemara noted that Genesis 47:14 says: "And Joseph gathered up all the money that was found in the land of Egypt, and in the land of Canaan," and thus spoke about the wealth of only Egypt and Canaan. The Gemara found support for the proposition that Joseph collected the wealth of other countries from Genesis 41:57, which states: "And all the countries came to Egypt to Joseph to buy corn." The Gemara deduced from the words "and they despoiled the Egyptians" in Exodus 12:36 that when the Israelites left Egypt, they carried that wealth away with them. The Gemara then taught that the wealth lay in Israel until the time of King Rehoboam, when King Shishak of Egypt seized it from Rehoboam, as 1 Kings 14:25–26 reports: "And it came to pass in the fifth year of king Rehoboam, that Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem; and he took away the treasures of the house of the Lord, and the treasures of the king's house."[155]

Pharaoh and His Dead Son (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

Similarly, reading God's words in Exodus 25:2, "accept gifts for Me from every person whose heart so moves him," the Mekhilta of Rabbi Simeon deduced that each and every Israelite was so rich from having stripped the Egyptians — as reported in Exodus 12:36 — that each Israelite had the wherewithal to erect the Tent of Meeting, with all its vessels, all of its golden hooks, boards, wooden bars, columns, and pedestals.[156]

The Egyptians Urging Moses To Depart (illustration from the 1890 Holman Bible)

A Baraita taught that in the time of Alexander the Great, the Egyptians summoned the Israelites before Alexander, demanding from them the gold and silver that Exodus 12:36 reported that the Israelites had borrowed from the Egyptians. The sages granted Gebiah ben Pesisa permission to be Israel's advocate. Gebiah asked the Egyptians what the evidence was for their claim, and the Egyptians answered that the Torah provided their evidence. Then Gebiah said that he would also bring evidence from the Torah in Israel's defense. He quoted Exodus 12:40 and demanded back wages from the Egyptians for the labor of 600,000 Israelite men whom the Egyptians had compelled to work for them for 430 years. Alexander turned to the Egyptians for a proper answer. The Egyptians requested three days' time, but could not find a satisfactory answer, and they fled.[157]

Rabbi Eliezer interpreted the words "the children of Israel journeyed from Rameses to sukkot" in Exodus 12:37 to mean that the Israelites went to a place where they put up booths, sukkot. Other Sages said that Succot was simply the name of a place, as in Numbers 33:6. Rabbi Akiva taught that Succot in Exodus 12:37 means the clouds of glory, as in Isaiah 4:5.[158]

The Exodus (watercolor circa 1896–1902 by James Tissot)

A Midrash taught that the Israelites were counted on ten occasions: (1) when they went down to Egypt (Deuteronomy 10:22); (2) when they went up out of Egypt (Exodus 12:37); (3) at the first census in Numbers (Numbers 1:1–46); (4) at the second census in Numbers (Numbers 26:1–65); (5) once for the banners; (6) once in the time of Joshua for the division of the Land of Israel; (7) once by Saul (1 Samuel 11:8); (8) a second time by Saul (1 Samuel 15:4); (9) once by David (2 Samuel 24:9); and once in the time of Ezra (Ezra 2:64).[159]

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael interpreted the account of unleavened cakes of dough in Exodus 12:39 to teach that the Israelites had kneaded the dough but did not have sufficient time to let it leaven before they were redeemed.[160]

A Baraita taught that when Moses broke the stone tablets in Exodus 32:19, it was one of three actions that Moses took based on his own understanding with which God then agreed. The Gemara explained that Moses reasoned that if the Passover lamb, which was just one of the 613 commandments, was prohibited by Exodus 12:43 to aliens, then certainly the whole Torah should be prohibited to the Israelites, who had acted as apostates with the golden calf. The Gemara deduced God's approval from God's mention of Moses' breaking the tablets in Exodus 34:1. Resh Lakish interpreted this to mean that God gave Moses strength because he broke the tablets.[161]

Reading the prohibition of non-Jews eating the Passover sacrifice in Exodus 12:43 and 48, the Gemara told the tale of a certain Syrian non-Jew who used to eat of the Passover sacrifices in Jerusalem, boasting that Exodus 12:43 says, “There shall no alien eat thereof,” and Exodus 12:48 says, “No uncircumcised person shall eat thereof,” yet he ate of the very best. Rabbi Judah ben Bathyra asked him whether he had ever eaten of the fat tail, and the Syrian replied that he had not. So Rabbi Judah ben Bathyra told the Syrian that the next time he went to Jereusalem for Passover, he should ask them to give him the fat tail. So when the Syrian went up, he asked them for the fat-tail. They answered him that the fat-tail belongs to God (and is burnt on the altar) and asked him who told him to ask for it. The Syrian told them that Rabbi Judah ben Bathyra had done so. Their suspicions aroused, they investigated who the Syrian was, discovered that he was not a Jew, and killed him. Then they sent a message to Rabbi Judah ben Bathyra saying that he was in Nisibis (in northern Mesopotamia), yet his net was spread in Jerusalem.[162]

The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael asked why Exodus 12:49 directed that there be one law for both the native and the stranger who sojourns among us when Exodus 12:48 had just enjoined that the stranger be treated as one who is born in the land. The Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael concluded that Exodus 12:49 comes to declare that the convert is equal to the born Jew with respect to all the Torah's commandments.[163]

A Land Flowing with Milk and Honey (illustration from Henry Davenport Northrop's 1894 Treasures of the Bible)

Exodus chapter 13

The Mishnah taught that invalidity in any of the four portions of the Bible in tefillin — one of which is Exodus 13:1–10 and another of which is Exodus 13:11–16 — impair the validity of all four, and even one misshaped letter impairs their validity.[164]

Tractate Bekhorot in the Mishnah, Tosefta, and Talmud interpreted the laws of the firstborn in Exodus 13:1–2, 12–13; 22:28–29; and 34:19–20; and Numbers 3:13 and 8:17.[165] Elsewhere, the Mishnah drew from Exodus 13:13 that money in exchange for a firstborn donkey could be given to any Kohen;[166] that if a person weaves the hair of a firstborn donkey into a sack, the sack must be burned;[167] that they did not redeem with the firstborn of a donkey an animal that falls within both wild and domestic categories (a koy);[168] and that one was prohibited to derive benefit in any quantity at all from an unredeemed firstborn donkey.[169] And elsewhere, the Mishnah taught that before the Israelites constructed the Tabernacle, the firstborns performed sacrificial services, but after the Israelites constructed the Tabernacle, the Priests (כֹּהֲנִים, Kohanim) performed the services.[170]

The Gemara reported a number of Rabbis' reports of how the Land of Israel did indeed flow with "milk and honey," as described in Exodus 3:8 and 17, 13:5, and 33:3, Leviticus 20:24, Numbers 13:27 and 14:8, and Deuteronomy 6:3, 11:9, 26:9 and 15, 27:3, and 31:20. Once when Rami bar Ezekiel visited Bnei Brak, he saw goats grazing under fig trees while honey was flowing from the figs, and milk dripped from the goats mingling with the fig honey, causing him to remark that it was indeed a land flowing with milk and honey. Rabbi Jacob ben Dostai said that it is about three miles from Lod to Ono, and once he rose up early in the morning and waded all that way up to his ankles in fig honey. Resh Lakish said that he saw the flow of the milk and honey of Sepphoris extend over an area of sixteen miles by sixteen miles. Rabbah bar Bar Hana said that he saw the flow of the milk and honey in all the Land of Israel and the total area was equal to an area of twenty-two parasangs by six parasangs.[171]

Rabban Gamaliel taught that in every generation, all are duty bound to regard it as if they personally had gone forth from Egypt, as Exodus 13:8 says, "And you shall tell your son in that day saying, it is because of that which the Lord did for me when I came forth out of Egypt."[172]

In medieval Jewish interpretation

The parashah is discussed in these medieval Jewish sources:[173]

Maimonides

Exodus chapter 10

Reading God's command to Moses in Exodus 10:1, "Go in to Pharaoh; for I have hardened his heart, and the heart of his servants," and similar statements in Exodus 4:21; 7:3, 9:12 10:20, 27; 11:10; and 14:4, 8, and 17, Maimonides concluded that it is possible for a person to commit such a great sin, or so many sins, that God decrees that the punishment for these willing and knowing acts is the removal of the privilege of repentance (תְשׁוּבָה, teshuvah). The offender would thus be prevented from doing repentance, and would not have the power to return from the offense, and the offender would die and be lost because of the offense. Maimonides read this to be what God said in Isaiah 6:10, "Make the heart of this people fat, and make their ears heavy, and their eyes weak, lest they see with their eyes and hear with their ears, and their hearts will understand, do repentance and be healed." Similarly 2 Chronicles 36:16 reports, "They ridiculed the messengers of God, disdained His words and insulted His prophets until the anger of God rose upon the people, without possibility of healing." Maimonides interpreted these verses to teach that they sinned willingly and to such an egregious extent that they deserved to have repentance withheld from them. And thus because Pharaoh sinned on his own at the beginning, harming the Jews who lived in his land, as Exodus 1:10 reports him scheming, "Let us deal craftily with them," God issued the judgment that repentance would be withheld from Pharaoh until he received his punishment, and therefore God said in Exodus 14:4, "I will harden the heart of Pharaoh." Maimonides explained that God sent Moses to tell Pharaoh to send out the Jews and do repentance, when God had already told Moses that Pharaoh would refuse, because God sought to inform humanity that when God withholds repentance from a sinner, the sinner will not be able to repent. Maimonides made clear that God did not decree that Pharaoh harm the Jewish people; rather, Pharaoh sinned willfully on his own, and he thus deserved to have the privilege of repentance withheld from him.[174]

Reading Exodus 10:9, "Moses said: ‘We will go with our young and with our old,'" the Lekach Tov taught that Moses told Pharaoh that just as all had been in Pharaoh's service, so would all be in God's service.[175]

The Sanhedrin (illustration from the 1883 People's Cyclopedia of Universal Knowledge)

Exodus chapter 12

Maimonides taught that the prerogative to sanctify the New Moon because of the sighting of the moon and to set a leap year to reconcile the calendar applied to the Sanhedrin in the Land of Israel. Maimonides taught that this was derived from the command given Moses and Aaron in Exodus 12:2, "This month shall be for you the first of months," which Maimonides reported the Oral Tradition interpreted to mean that this testimony was entrusted to Moses and Aaron and those sages who arose after them who functioned in their position. When the Sanhedrin ended in the Land of Israel, Jews established the monthly calendar and instituted leap years solely according to the fixed calendar that is followed now.[176] So the sighting of the moon is no longer of any consequence.[177]

The first page of the Zohar

Reading Exodus 12:34, "And the people took their dough before it was leavened," the Zohar taught that "leaven" and "unleaven" symbolize the evil inclination (יֵצֶר רַע, yeitzer ra) and the good inclination in people. The Zohar taught that one who fervently and joyously relates the story of the Exodus on Passover, telling the story with a high heart, shall be found worthy to rejoice in the Divine Presence (שכינה, Shekhinah) in the World To Come (עולם הבא, Olam Haba). The Zohar taught that the joy of Israel causes God to be glad, so that God calls together all the Family above and to hear the praises that God's children bring to God. Then all the angels and supernal beings gather around and observe Israel singing and rejoicing because of God's Redemption and the supernal beings also break into jubilation because God possesses on earth a people so holy, whose joy in God's Redemption is so great and so powerful. And the Zohar taught that the rejoicing on Earth below increases the power of God and God's hosts in the regions above, just as an earthly king gains strength from the praises of his subjects and the renoun of his glory being spread through the world.[178]

Exodus chapter 13

Noting the universal application of the laws of tefillin in Exodus 13:9, 16, Maimonides taught that God designed the wearing of tefillin as a more enduring form of worship than the practice of sacrifices, which Maimonides taught were a transitional step to wean the Israelites off of the worship of the times and move them toward prayer as the primary means of worship. Maimonides noted that in nature, God created animals that develop gradually. For example, when a mammal is born, it is extremely tender, and cannot eat dry food, so God provided breasts that yield milk to feed the young animal, until it can eat dry food. Similarly, Maimonides taught, God instituted many laws as temporary measures, as it would have been impossible for the Israelites suddenly to discontinue everything to which they had become accustomed. So God sent Moses to make the Israelites (in the words of Exodus 19:6) “a kingdom of priests and a holy nation.” But the general custom of worship in those days was sacrificing animals in temples that contained idols. So God did not command the Israelites to give up those manners of service, but allowed them to continue. God transferred to God’s service what had formerly served as a worship of idols, and commanded the Israelites to serve God in the same manner — namely, to build to a Sanctuary (Exodus 25:8), to erect the altar to God’s name (Exodus 20:21), to offer sacrifices to God (Leviticus 1:2), to bow down to God, and to burn incense before God. God forbad doing any of these things to any other being and selected priests for the service in the temple in Exodus 28:41. By this Divine plan, God blotted out the traces of idolatry, and established the great principle of the Existence and Unity of God. But the sacrificial service, Maimonides taught, was not the primary object of God’s commandments about sacrifice; rather, supplications, prayers, and similar kinds of worship are nearer to the primary object. Thus God limited sacrifice to only one temple (see Deuteronomy 12:26) and the priesthood to only the members of a particular family. These restrictions, Maimonides taught, served to limit sacrificial worship, and kept it within such bounds that God did not feel it necessary to abolish sacrificial service altogether. But in the Divine plan, prayer and supplication can be offered everywhere and by every person, as can be the wearing of tzitzit (Numbers 15:38) and tefillin (Exodus 13:9, 16) and similar kinds of service.[179]

Maimonides explained the laws governing the redemption of a firstborn son (פדיון הבן, pidyon haben) in Exodus 13:13–16.[180] Maimonides taught that it is a positive commandment for every Jewish man to redeem his son who is the firstborn of a Jewish mother, as Exodus 34:19 says, "All first issues of the womb are mine," and Numbers 18:15 says, "And you shall surely redeem a firstborn man."[181] Maimonides taught that a mother is not obligated to redeem her son. If a father fails to redeem his son, when the son comes of age, he is obligated to redeem himself.[182] If it is necessary for a man to redeem both himself and his son, he should redeem himself first and then his son. If he only has enough money for one redemption, he should redeem himself.[183] A person who redeems his son recites the blessing: "Blessed are You . . . who sanctified us with His commandments and commanded us concerning the redemption of a son." Afterwards, he recites the shehecheyanu blessing and then gives the redemption money to the Cohen. If a man redeems himself, he should recite the blessing: "Blessed . . . who commanded us to redeem the firstborn" and he should recite the shehecheyanu blessing.[184] The father may pay the redemption in silver or in movable property that has financial worth like that of silver coins.[185] If the Cohen desires to return the redemption to the father, he may. The father should not, however, give it to the Cohen with the intent that he return it. The father must give it to the Cohen with the resolution that he is giving him a present without any reservations.[186] Cohens and Levites are exempt from the redemption of their firstborn, as they served as the redemption of the Israelites' firstborn in the desert.[187] One born to a woman of a priestly or Levite family is exempt, for the matter is dependent on the mother, as indicated by Exodus 13:2 and Numbers 3:12.[188] A baby born by Caesarian section and any subsequent birth are exempt: the first because it did not emerge from the womb, and the second, because it was preceded by another birth.[189] The obligation for redemption takes effect when the baby completes 30 days of life, as Numbers 18:16 says, "And those to be redeemed should be redeemed from the age of a month."[190]

In modern interpretation

The parashah is discussed in these modern sources:

Exodus chapter 10

The Kli Yakar noted that in Exodus 10:6, Moses told Pharaoh that the locusts would invade, "your houses . . . , and the houses of all your servants, and the houses of all the Egyptians," in that order. Arguing that the Pharaoh's palace was surely the most insulated, the Kli Yakar taught that the order of the locust invasion was another miracle, so that the punishment would come in the order that the sin was committed, first with Pharaoh (who was most guilty), then with his servants, and then the rest of the people.[191]

Wellhausen

Exodus chapter 12

Kugel

The late-19th-century German biblical scholar Julius Wellhausen conceived of early Israelite religion as linked to nature’s annual cycle and believed that Scripture only later connected the festivals to historical events like the Exodus from Egypt. Professor James Kugel of Bar Ilan University reported that modern scholars generally agreed that Passover reflects two originally separate holidays arising out of the annual harvest cycle. One Festival involved the sacrificing and eating of an animal from the flock, the pesa sacrifice, which arose among shepherds who sacrificed in the light of the full moon of the month that marked the vernal equinox and the end of winter (as directed in Exodus 12:6) to bring Divine favor for a safe and prosperous summer for the rest of the flock. The shepherds slaughtered the animal at home, as the rite also stipulated that some of the animal’s blood be daubed on the doorposts and lintel of the house (as directed in Exodus 12:7) to ward off evil. The rite prescribed that no bone be broken (as directed in Exodus 12:46) so as not to bring evil on the flock from which the sacrifice came. Scholars suggest that the name pesa derived from the verb that means “hop” (as in 1 Kings 18:21 and 26), and theorize that the holiday may originally have involved some sort of ritual “hopping.” A second Festival — the Festival of Unleavened Bread — involved farmers eating unleavened barley bread for seven days when the winter’s barley crop had reached maturity and was ready for harvest. Farmers observed this Festival with a trip to a local sanctuary (as in Exodus 23:17 and 34:23). Modern scholars believe that the absence of yeast in the bread indicated purity (as in Leviticus 2:11). The listing of Festivals in Exodus 23:14–17 and 34:18–23 appear to provide evidence for the independent existence of the Festival of Unleavened Bread. Modern scholars suggest that the farmers’ Festival of Unleavened Bread and the shepherds’ Passover later merged into a single festival, Passover moved from the home to the Temple, and the combined festival was explicitly connected to the Exodus (as in Deuteronomy 16:1–4).[192]

Plaut

The late 20th century Reform Rabbi Gunther Plaut identified two addenda to the Passover story — one dealing with the eating of the paschal sacrifice in Exodus 12:43–51 and a second relating the Exodus to the first-born in Exodus 13:1–16. Plaut observed that both addenda speak from a context of settled conditions, rather than wilderness wandering. Plaut concluded that the two sections read like postscripts or summations appended to the main story at a later time.[193]

Cassuto

Exodus chapter 13

Reading the consecration of the firstborn in Exodus 13:1–2, the mid-20th-century Italian-Israeli scholar Umberto Cassuto, formerly of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, suggested that the obligation to transfer to God all that first opened the womb meant originally, in the tradition of the ancient East, to offer as a sacrifice, but the Torah when it accepted the custom of the neighboring peoples, introduced innovations and imbued the obligation with new significance. Thus the Torah continued the custom of offering firstborn on the altar only for clean domestic animals; for unclean animals, the Torah substituted redemption by a clean animal or the breaking of its neck; and for human firstborn, the Torah substituted only redemption. And the Torah substituted the new reason of the deliverance from Egyptian bondage.[194]

Professor Nahum M. Sarna, formerly of Brandeis University, wrote that in many ancient cultures, the miracle of new life was considered a divine gift and nature endowed the first fruits of the soil and animal and human fertility with intrinsic holiness. Sarna argued that the instruction to Moses in Exodus 13:1–2 to consecrate the firstborn may have been a polemic against such pagan notions. The Torah dissociated the firstborns’ status from the ancient ideas, teaching that firstborns belonged to God solely because of Divine decree at the time of the Exodus. Noting that Numbers 3:12 and 8:16-18 report that the Levites supplanted the firstborn in priestly functions, Sarna inferred that in Exodus 13:1–2, God instructed Moses to install the firstborn to fulfill priestly duties.[195]

Professor Jacob Milgrom, formerly of the University of California, Berkeley, taught that the verbs used in the laws of the redemption of a firstborn son (פדיון הבן, pidyon haben) in Exodus 13:13–16 and Numbers 3:45–47 and 18:15–16, "natan, kiddesh, he‘evir to the Lord," as well as the use of padah, "ransom," indicate that the firstborn son was considered God's property. Milgrom surmised that this may reflect an ancient rule where the firstborn was expected to care for the burial and worship of his deceased parents. Thus the Bible may preserve the memory of the firstborn bearing a sacred status, and the replacement of the firstborn by the Levites in Numbers 3:11–13, 40–51; and 8:14–18 may reflect the establishment of a professional priestly class. Milgrom dismissed as without support the theory that the firstborn was originally offered as a sacrifice.[196]

Terence Fretheim, Professor Emeritus at Luther Seminary, argued that Exodus 13:15–16 give a special twist to the issue of the firstborn, teaching that Israel was to be attentive to its firstborn because of the suffering of the Egyptian firstborn. Fretheim noted that Exodus 13:15–16 does not mention the redeemed Israelite children of Passover night but the sacrificed Egyptian firstborn, followed by “Therefore.” Fretheim thus argued that the firstborn belong to God not only because Israelite children were saved but also because Egyptian children were killed. Fretheim argued that Exodus 13:15–16 thus reminds Israel at what cost Israel’s firstborn were redeemed. Fretheim nonetheless considered it doubtful that child sacrifice was in view.[197]

Commandments

According to Sefer ha-Chinuch, there are 9 positive and 11 negative commandments in the parashah:[198]

A page from a 14th-century German Haggadah

In the liturgy

Reading the Passover Haggadah, in the magid section of the Seder, many Jews remove drops of wine from their cups for each of the ten plagues in Exodus 7:14–12:29.[217]

Also in the magid section, the Haggadah quotes Exodus 12:12 to elucidate the report in Deuteronomy 26:8 that "the Lord brought us forth out of Egypt with a mighty hand." The Haggadah cites Exodus 12:12 for the proposition that God took the Israelites out of Egypt not through an angel, not through a seraph, not through an agent, but on God's own.[218]

Also in the magid section, the Haggadah quotes Exodus 12:26 to provide the question of the wicked son and quotes Exodus 13:8 to answer him. And shortly thereafter, the Haggadah quotes Exodus 13:14 to answer the simple child and quotes Exodus 13:8 again to answer the child who does not know how to ask.[219]

A page from the 14th century Kaufmann Haggadah

Also in the magid section, the Haggadah quotes Exodus 12:27 to answer the question: For what purpose did the Israelites eat the Passover offering at the time of the Temple in Jerusalem? The Haggadah quotes Exodus 12:27 for the proposition that the Israelites did so because God passed over the Israelites' houses in Egypt.[220]

In the concluding nirtzah section, the Haggadah quotes the words "it is the Passover sacrifice" from Exodus 12:27 eight times as the refrain of a poem by Eleazar Kallir.[221] Also in the nirtzah section, the Haggadah quotes the words "it was the middle of the night" from Exodus 12:29 eight times as the refrain of a poem by Yannai.[222]

Also in the nirtzah section, in a reference to the Israelites' despoiling of the Egyptians in Exodus 12:36, the Haggadah recounts how the Egyptians could not find their wealth when they arose at night.[223]

In the magid section, the Haggadah quotes Exodus 12:39–40 to answer the question: For what purpose do Jews eat unleavened bread (מַצָּה, matzah)? The Haggadah quotes Exodus 12:39–40 for the proposition that Jews do so because there was not sufficient time for the Israelites' dough to become leavened before God redeemed them.[224]

In the magid section, the Haggadah responds to a question that "one could think" that Exodus 13:5–6 raises — that the obligation to tell the Exodus story begins on the first of the month — and clarifies that the obligation begins when Jews have their maztah and maror in front of them.[225]

Also in the magid section, the Haggadah quotes Exodus 13:8 — emphasizing the word "for me" (li) — for the proposition that in every generation, Jews have a duty to regard themselves as though they personally had gone out of Egypt.[226]

Many Jews recite Exodus 13:1–10 and 13:11–16 two of the four texts contained in the tefillin, either immediately after putting on the tefillin or before removing them, as Jews interpret Exodus 13:9 to make reference to tefillin when it says, "and it shall be for a sign to you upon your hand, and for a memorial between your eyes," and Exodus 13:16 to make reference to tefillin when it says, "and it shall be for a sign upon your hand, and for frontlets between your eyes."[227]

Much of the language of the leshem yihud prayer before putting on tefillin is drawn from Ramban's commentary on Exodus 13:11.[228]

Jeremiah Lamenting the Destruction of Jerusalem (1630 painting by Rembrandt)

Haftarah

The haftarah for the parashah is Jeremiah 46:13–28.

Connection to the Parashah

Both the parashah and the haftarah describe God's judgment against Egypt. The parashah reports that God told Moses to go (bo) to Pharaoh;[229] the haftarah reports God's word that Nebuchadrezzar would come (la-vo) to Pharaoh.[230] Both the parashah and the haftarah report a plague of locusts — literal in the parashah, figurative in the haftarah.[231] Both the parashah and the haftarah report God's punishment of Egypt's gods.[232] And both the parashah and the haftarah report God's ultimate deliverance of the Israelites from their captivity.[233]

Notes

  1. "Torah Stats — Shemoth". Akhlah Inc. Retrieved July 6, 2013.
  2. "Parashat Bo". Hebcal. Retrieved January 12, 2015.
  3. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 58–87. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2008. ISBN 1-4226-0204-4.
  4. Exodus 10:3–5.
  5. Exodus 10:7–8.
  6. Exodus 10:9–11.
  7. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 61.
  8. Exodus 10:12–15.
  9. Exodus 10:16–17.
  10. Exodus 10:18–19.
  11. Exodus 10:20.
  12. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 63.
  13. Exodus 10:21–23.
  14. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 63–64.
  15. Exodus 10:24–26.
  16. Exodus 10:27–28.
  17. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 65.
  18. Exodus 11:1.
  19. Exodus 11:2–3.
  20. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 66.
  21. Exodus 11:4–7.
  22. Exodus 11:8.
  23. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 67.
  24. Exodus 12:1–2.
  25. Exodus 12:3–20.
  26. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 76.
  27. Exodus 12:21–22.
  28. Exodus 12:23.
  29. Exodus 12:24–27.
  30. Exodus 12:28.
  31. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 78.
  32. Exodus 12:29.
  33. Exodus 12:30–32.
  34. Exodus 12:34–36.
  35. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 80.
  36. Exodus 12:37–38.
  37. Exodus 12:39.
  38. Exodus 12:40–42.
  39. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 81.
  40. Exodus 12:43–50.
  41. 1 2 See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 83.
  42. Exodus 12:51.
  43. Exodus 13:1–2.
  44. Exodus 13:3–7.
  45. Exodus 13:8–10.
  46. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 85.
  47. Exodus 13:11–13.
  48. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 86–87.
  49. Exodus 13:14–15.
  50. Exodus 13:16.
  51. See, e.g., The Schottenstein Edition Interlinear Chumash: Shemos/Exodus. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 87.
  52. See, e.g., "A Complete Triennial Cycle for Reading the Torah" (PDF). The Jewish Theological Seminary. Retrieved November 12, 2013.
  53. Jacob Milgrom. Leviticus 1–16, volume 3, page 1081. New York: Anchor Bible, 1991. ISBN 0-385-11434-6.
  54. For more on inner-Biblical interpretation, see, e.g., Benjamin D. Sommer. “Inner-biblical Interpretation.” In The Jewish Study Bible: Second Edition. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 1835–41. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. ISBN 978-0-19-997846-5.
  55. Exodus 12:11, 21, 27, 43, 48; 34:25; Leviticus 23:5; Numbers 9:2, 4–6, 10, 12–14; 28:16; 33:3; Deuteronomy 16:1–2, 5–6; Joshua 5:10–11; 2 Kings 23:21–23; Ezekiel 45:21; Ezra 6:19–20; 2 Chronicles 30:1–2, 5, 15, 17–18; 35:1, 6–9, 11, 13, 16–19
  56. Exodus 12:17; 23:15; 34:18; Leviticus 23:6; Deuteronomy 16:16; Ezekiel 45:21; Ezra 6:22; 2 Chronicles 8:13; 30:13, 21; 35:17
  57. Exodus 12:16; Leviticus 23:7–8; Numbers 28:18, 25
  58. See, e.g., W. Gunther Plaut. The Torah: A Modern Commentary, page 456. New York: Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 1981. ISBN 0-8074-0055-6.
  59. 1 2 W. Gunther Plaut. The Torah: A Modern Commentary, page 464.
  60. Exodus 12:11, 21, 27, 43, 48; Deuteronomy 16:2, 5–6; Ezra 6:20; 2 Chronicles 30:15, 17–18; 35:1, 6–9, 11, 13.
  61. Exodus 12:42; 23:15; 34:18; Numbers 33:3; Deuteronomy 16:1, 3, 6.
  62. Benjamin D. Sommer. "Inner-biblical Interpretation." In The Jewish Study Bible. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, page 1832.
  63. For more on early nonrabbinic interpretation, see, e.g., Esther Eshel. “Early Nonrabbinic Interpretation.” In The Jewish Study Bible: Second Edition. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 1841–59.
  64. Philo. Questions and Answers on Exodus, book 1, halachah 15. Alexandria, Egypt, early 1st century CE. Reprinted in, e.g., Philo. Questions and Answers on Exodus. Translated by Ralph Marcus, pages 24–25. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1953.
  65. For more on classical rabbinic interpretation, see, e.g., Yaakov Elman. “Classical Rabbinic Interpretation.” In The Jewish Study Bible: Second Edition. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 1859–78.
  66. See Exodus 6:13, 7:8, 9:8, 12:1, 12:43, 12:50; Leviticus 11:1, 13:1, 14:33, 15:1; Numbers 2:1, 4:1, 4:17 14:26, 16:20, 19:1, 20:12, 20:23.
  67. Numbers Rabbah 2:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Numbers. Translated by Judah J. Slotki, volume 5, page 22. London: Soncino Press, 1939. ISBN 0-900689-38-2.
  68. Midrash Aggada. 12th century. Reprinted in Menahem M. Kasher. Torah Sheleimah, 10, 1 note. Jerusalem, 1927. Reprinted in Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation. Translated by Harry Freedman, volume 8, page 1. New York: American Biblical Encyclopedia Society, 1970.
  69. Exodus Rabbah 13:3. 10th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 152. London: Soncino Press, 1939. ISBN 0-900689-38-2.
  70. Exodus Rabbah 11:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 137–38.
  71. Midrash HaGadol. Yemen, 13th century. Reprinted in Menahem M. Kasher. Torah Sheleimah, 10, 4. Reprinted in Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation. Translated by Harry Freedman, volume 8, page 2.
  72. Midrash Tehillim. 11th century. Yalkut Shimoni. Early 13th century. Reprinted in Menahem M. Kasher. Torah Sheleimah, 10, 11 and note. Reprinted in Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation. Translated by Harry Freedman, volume 8, page 4.
  73. Babylonian Talmud Sotah 8b. Babylonia, 6th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Avrohom Neuberger and Abba Zvi Naiman; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 33a, page 8b3. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2000. ISBN 1-57819-633-7. (Rabbi Judah the Prince). Babylonian Talmud Sanhedrin 100a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Asher Dicker, Joseph Elias, and Dovid Katz; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 49, page 100a4. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1995. ISBN 1-57819-628-0. (Rabbi Meir).
  74. Midrash Tanhuma Va'eira 14. 6th–7th centuries. Reprinted in, e.g., Metsudah Midrash Tanchuma. Translated and annotated by Avraham Davis; edited by Yaakov Y.H. Pupko, volume 3 (Shemos 1), pages 156–65. Monsey, New York: Eastern Book Press, 2006.
  75. 1 2 3 Exodus Rabbah 13:6. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 154.
  76. Exodus Rabbah 13:4. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 152–53.
  77. Midrash HaGadol. Reprinted in Menahem M. Kasher. Torah Sheleimah, 10, 22. Reprinted in Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation. Translated by Harry Freedman, volume 8, pages 5–6.
  78. Midrash quoted by Isaac Abrabanel. 15th century. Reprinted in Menahem M. Kasher. Torah Sheleimah, 10, 26. Reprinted in Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation. Translated by Harry Freedman, volume 8, page 6. See also Jacob ben Asher (Baal Ha-Turim). Commentary on the Torah. Early 14th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Baal Haturim Chumash: Shemos. Translated by Eliyahu Touger; edited and annotated by Avie Gold, volume 2, page 613. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2000. ISBN 1-57819-129-7.
  79. Exodus Rabbah 13:5. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 153–54.
  80. Mishnat Rabbi Eliezer, 199. Land of Israel, mid 8th century. Reprinted in Menahem M. Kasher. Torah Sheleimah, 10, 31. Reprinted in Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation. Translated by Harry Freedman, volume 8, pages 7–8.
  81. See Hosea 13:15.
  82. See Jeremiah 18:17.
  83. See Ezekiel 27:26.
  84. See Psalm 48:8.
  85. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael Beshallah, chapter 5. Land of Israel, late 4th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, pages 152–53. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1933, reissued 2004. ISBN 0-8276-0678-8.
  86. Exodus Rabbah 13:7 Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 154–55.
  87. 1 2 Exodus Rabbah 14:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 157.
  88. Exodus Rabbah 14:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 156.
  89. 1 2 3 Exodus Rabbah 14:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 157–58.
  90. Exodus Rabbah 14:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 157–59.
  91. Midrash Tanhuma Va'eira 3. See also Exodus Rabbah 11:6. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 142.
  92. Exodus Rabbah 18:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 216–17.
  93. Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 3b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 1, page 3b3. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1997. ISBN 1-57819-600-0. See also Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 13. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 67.
  94. Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 4a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 1, page 4a1.
  95. Song of Songs Rabbah 2:29 (2:12:1). 6th–7th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Song of Songs. Translated by Maurice Simon, volume 9, pages 122–23. London: Soncino Press, 1939. ISBN 0-900689-38-2.
  96. Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 55b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Berakhot. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 1, page 360. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2012. ISBN 978-965-301-5630.
  97. Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 56b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Berakhot. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 1, page 365.
  98. Babylonian Talmud Menachot 98a. See also Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 13. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 70. Exodus Rabbah 18:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, pages 216–17.
  99. Exodus Rabbah 7:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 111.
  100. Babylonian Talmud Zevachim 102a.
  101. Mishnah Megillah 3:4. Land of Israel, circa 200 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 320–21. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. ISBN 0-300-05022-4. See also Tosefta Megillah 3:4. Land of Israel, circa 300 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 645. Peabody, Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers, 2002. ISBN 1-56563-642-2. (reporting that they read Exodus 12:2).
  102. Mishnah Rosh Hashanah 1:1. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 299. Babylonian Talmud Rosh Hashanah 2a, 4a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Beitza • Rosh Hashana. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 11, pages 249, 259. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2014. ISBN 978-965-301-572-2.
  103. Tosefta Rosh Hashanah 1:1–3. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 605. Babylonian Talmud Rosh Hashanah 7a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Beitza • Rosh Hashana. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 11, page 273.
  104. Pirke De-Rabbi Eliezer, chapter 8. Early 9th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer. Translated and annotated by Gerald Friedlander, pages 52–56. London, 1916. Reprinted New York: Hermon Press, 1970. ISBN 0-87203-183-7.
  105. Babylonian Talmud Shabbat 87b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Shabbat. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 3, page 30. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2012. ISBN 978-965-301-565-4.
  106. Mishnah Beitzah 1:1–5:7. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 291–99. Tosefta Yom Tov (Beitzah) 1:1–4:11. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, pages 585–604. Jerusalem Talmud Beitzah 1a–49b. Land of Israel, circa 400 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Yerushalmi. Edited by Chaim Malinowitz, Yisroel Simcha Schorr, and Mordechai Marcus, volume 23. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2010. ISBN 1-4226-0246-X. Babylonian Talmud Beitzah 2a–40b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Yisroel Reisman; edited by Hersh Goldwurm, volume 17. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1991. ISBN 1-57819-616-7.
  107. Mishnah Pesachim 1:1–10:9. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 229–51. Tosefta Pisha (Pesachim) 1:1–10:13. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, pages 471–522. Jerusalem Talmud Pesachim 1a–86a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Yerushalmi. Edited by Chaim Malinowitz, Yisroel Simcha Schorr, and Mordechai Marcus, volumes 18–19. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2011. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 2a–121b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volumes 6–7. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2013.
  108. Mishnah Zevahim 3:6. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 704–05.
  109. Mishnah Challah 1:2. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 148.
  110. Mishnah Beitzah 1:1. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 291.
  111. See Babylonian Talmud Kiddushin 34a
  112. Babylonian Talmud Eruvin 27a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Eiruvin • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 4, pages 145–46. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2012. ISBN 978-965-301-566-1.
  113. Mishnah Pesachim 1:1. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 229–30. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 2a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Eliezer Herzka, and Moshe Zev Einhorn; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 9, page 2a1. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1997. ISBN 1-57819-663-9.
  114. Mishnah Pesachim 1:2. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 230. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 9a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Eliezer Herzka, and Moshe Zev Einhorn; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 9, page 9a1.
  115. Mishnah Pesachim 1:3. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 230. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 10b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 53. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2013. ISBN 965-301-568-0.
  116. Mishnah Pesachim 1:4. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 230. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 11b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 57.
  117. Mishnah Pesachim 1:5. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 230. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 11b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 58.
  118. Mishnah Pesachim 2:1. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 231. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 21a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 107.
  119. Mishnah Pesachim 2:5. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 232. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 35a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 171.
  120. Mishnah Pesachim 3:6. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 234. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 49a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 245.
  121. Mishnah Pesachim 3:7. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 234. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 49a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 245.
  122. Mishnah Pesachim 3:8. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 234–35. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 49a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 246.
  123. Mishnah Pesachim 10:1. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 249. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 99b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Eliezer Herzka, Dovid Kamenetsky, Eli Shulman, Feivel Wahl, and Mendy Wachsman; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 11, pages 99b1–2. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 1998. ISBN 1-57819-621-3.
  124. Jerusalem Talmud Pesachim 82a.
  125. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 107b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 239. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2013. ISBN 965-301-569-9.
  126. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 108a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 240.
  127. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 108b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 242.
  128. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 109a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, pages 243–44.
  129. Mishnah Pesachim 10:2. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 249. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 114a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 265.
  130. Mishnah Pesachim 10:3. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 249. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 114a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 266.
  131. Mishnah Pesachim 2:6. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 232. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 39a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part One. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 6, page 191.
  132. Mishnah Pesachim 10:4. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 249–50. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 116a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 273.
  133. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 116a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 273.
  134. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 109a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 243.
  135. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 18. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 113.
  136. Mishnah Pesachim 10:5. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 250. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 116a–b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, pages 274–75.
  137. Mishnah Pesachim 10:6. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 250. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 116b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 275.
  138. Mishnah Pesachim 10:7. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 251. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 117b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 282.
  139. Mishnah Pesachim 10:8. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 251. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 119b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 292.
  140. Mishnah Pesachim 10:8. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 251. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 120a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 295.
  141. Mishnah Pesachim 10:8. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 251. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 120b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim • Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 295.
  142. Tosefta Pisha (Pesachim) 10:12. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 522.
  143. Mishnah Pesachim 9:3. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 247. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 95a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Eliezer Herzka, Dovid Kamenetsky, Eli Shulman, Feivel Wahl, and Mendy Wachsman; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 11, page 95a1.
  144. Exodus Rabbah 16:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 209.
  145. Exodus Rabbah 17:1. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 211.
  146. Song of Songs Rabbah 2:30 (2:13:1). Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Song of Songs. Translated by Maurice Simon, volume 9, page 123.
  147. Mishnah Parah 11:9. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 1032.
  148. Exodus Rabbah 17:5. Reprinted in, e.g., Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Translated by Simon M. Lehrman, volume 3, page 215.
  149. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 13:2:3–4. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 76. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988. ISBN 1-55540-237-2. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 68.
  150. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 13:2:5. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 76. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 68.
  151. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 13:2:10. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 77. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 69.
  152. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 13:2:11. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 77. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 69.
  153. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 13:3:2. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 78–79. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 71.
  154. Babylonian Talmud Berakhot 9b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Gedaliah Zlotowitz; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 1, page 9b1.
  155. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 119a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim · Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, pages 289–90. See also Avot of Rabbi Natan, chapter 41. 700–900 CE. Reprinted in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan. Translated by Judah Goldin, page 172. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955, 1983. And reprinted in, e.g., The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan: An Analytical Translation and Explanation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 256. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986. ISBN 1-55540-051-5.
  156. Mekhilta of Rabbi Simeon, Tractate Pisha, chapter 15:8:3. Land of Israel, 5th century. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta de-Rabbi Shimon bar Yohai. Translated by W. David Nelson, page 53. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2006. ISBN 0-8276-0799-7.
  157. Babylonian Talmud Sanhedrin 91a.
  158. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 14:1:3. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 81. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, pages 74–75. See also Babylonian Talmud Sukkah 11b.
  159. Midrash Tanhuma Ki Sisa 9.
  160. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 14:1:9. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, page 82. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 75.
  161. Babylonian Talmud Shabbat 87a.
  162. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 3b. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Elucidated by Abba Zvi Naiman, Eliezer Herzka, and Moshe Zev Einhorn; edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volume 9, page 3b 2.
  163. Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Pisha, chapter 15:2:5. Reprinted in, e.g., Mekhilta According to Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 1, pages 93–94. And Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael. Translated by Jacob Z. Lauterbach, volume 1, page 87.
  164. Mishnah Menachot 3:7. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 739–40.
  165. Mishnah Bekhorot 1:1–6:12. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, pages 787–800. Tosefta Bekhorot 1:1–7:15. Reprinted in, e.g., The Tosefta: Translated from the Hebrew, with a New Introduction. Translated by Jacob Neusner, volume 2, pages 1469–94. Babylonian Talmud Bekhorot 2a–61a. Reprinted in, e.g., Talmud Bavli. Edited by Yisroel Simcha Schorr and Chaim Malinowitz, volumes 65–66. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2003–2004.
  166. Mishnah Challah 4:9. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 157.
  167. Mishnah Orlah 3:3. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 165.
  168. Mishnah Bikkurim 2:9. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 171.
  169. Mishnah Avodah Zarah 5:9. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 672.
  170. Mishnah Zevachim 14:4. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 731.
  171. Babylonian Talmud Ketubot 111b–12a. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Ketubot: Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 17, pages 290–91. Jerusalem: Koren Publishers, 2015. ISBN 978-965-301-578-4.
  172. Mishnah Pesachim 10:5. Reprinted in, e.g., The Mishnah: A New Translation. Translated by Jacob Neusner, page 250. Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 116b. Reprinted in, e.g., Koren Talmud Bavli: Pesaḥim · Part Two. Commentary by Adin Even-Israel (Steinsaltz), volume 7, page 274.
  173. For more on medieval Jewish interpretation, see, e.g., Barry D. Walfish. “Medieval Jewish Interpretation.” In The Jewish Study Bible. Edited by Adele Berlin and Marc Zvi Brettler, pages 1876–1900.
  174. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Teshuvah, chapter 3, paragraph 3. Egypt. Circa 1170–1180. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Teshuvah: The Laws of Repentance. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 140–48. New York: Moznaim Publishing, 1990. OCLC 28239393 ISBN 978-0-940118-20-1. See also Maimonides. The Eight Chapters on Ethics, chapter 8. Egypt. Late 12th century. Reprinted in, e.g., The Eight Chapters of Maimonides on Ethics (Shemonah Perakim): A Psychological and Ethical Treatise. Edited, annotated, and translated, with an introduction by Joseph I. Gorfinkle, pages 95–96. New York: Columbia University Press, 1912. Reprinted by Forgotten Books, 2012.
  175. Tobiah ben Eliezer. Lekach Tov. 11th century. Reprinted in Menahem M. Kasher. Torah Sheleimah, 10, 26a. Reprinted in Encyclopedia of Biblical Interpretation. Translated by Harry Freedman, volume 8, page 6.
  176. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Shekalim (The Laws of Shekalim) and Hilchot Kiddush HaChodesh (The Laws of Sanctification of the New Moon), chapter 5, halachah 1. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Shekalim: The Laws of Shekalim: and Hilchot Kiddush HaChodesh: The Laws of Sanctification of the New Moon. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, volume 14, pages 102–03. New York: Moznaim Publishing, 1993.
  177. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Shekalim (The Laws of Shekalim) and Hilchot Kiddush HaChodesh (The Laws of Sanctification of the New Moon), chapter 5, halachah 2. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Shekalim: The Laws of Shekalim: and Hilchot Kiddush HaChodesh: The Laws of Sanctification of the New Moon. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, volume 14, pages 102–05.
  178. Zohar, part 2 (Raya Mehemna), page 40b. Spain, late 13th century. Reprinted in, e.g., The Zohar. Translated by Harry Sperling, Maurice Simon, and Paul P. Levertoff, volume 3, page 126. London: Soncino Press, 1934.
  179. Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed, part 3, chapter 32. Cairo, Egypt, 1190. Reprinted in, e.g., Moses Maimonides. The Guide for the Perplexed. Translated by Michael Friedländer, pages 322–27. New York: Dover Publications, 1956. ISBN 0-486-20351-4.
  180. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11. Egypt, circa 1170–1180. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 688–703. New York: Moznaim Publishing, 2005. ISBN 1-885220-49-9.
  181. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 1. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 688–89.
  182. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 2. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 690–91.
  183. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 3. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 690–91.
  184. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 5. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 690–91.
  185. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 6. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 690–93.
  186. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 8. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 692–93.
  187. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 9. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 692–93.
  188. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 10. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 692–94.
  189. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 16. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 696–97.
  190. Maimonides. Mishneh Torah: Hilchot Bikkurim, chapter 11, halachah 17. Reprinted in, e.g., Mishneh Torah: Sefer Zeraim: The Book of Agricultural Ordinances. Translated by Eliyahu Touger, pages 696–97.
  191. Shlomo Ephraim Luntschitz. Kli Yakar. Lublin, 1602. Reprinted in, e.g., Kli Yakar: Shemos. Translated by Elihu Levine, volume 1, page 136. Southfield, Michigan: Targum Press/Feldheim Publishers, 2002. ISBN 1-56871-202-2.
  192. James L. Kugel]]. How To Read the Bible: A Guide to Scripture, Then and Now, pages 322–25. New York: Free Press, 2007. ISBN 0-7432-3586-X.
  193. W. Gunther Plaut. The Torah: A Modern Commentary: Revised Edition. Revised edition edited by David E.S. Stern, page 405. New York: Union for Reform Judaism, 2006. ISBN 0-8074-0883-2.
  194. Umberto Cassuto. A Commentary on the Book of Exodus. Jerusalem, 1951. Translated by Israel Abrahams, pages 153-54. Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1967.
  195. Nahum M. Sarna. The JPS Torah Commentary: Exodus: The Traditional Hebrew Text with the New JPS Translation, page 65. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1991. ISBN 0-8276-0327-4.
  196. Jacob Milgrom. The JPS Torah Commentary: Numbers: The Traditional Hebrew Text with the New JPS Translation, page 13. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1990. ISBN 0-8276-0329-0.
  197. Terence E. Fretheim. Exodus: Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and Preaching, page 149. Louisville: John Knox Press, 1991. ISBN 0-8042-3102-8.
  198. Sefer HaHinnuch: The Book of [Mitzvah] Education. Translated by Charles Wengrov, volume 1, pages 93–137. Jerusalem: Feldheim Publishers, 1991. ISBN 0-87306-179-9.
  199. Exodus 12:2.
  200. Exodus 12:6.
  201. Exodus 12:8.
  202. Exodus 12:9.
  203. Exodus 12:10.
  204. Exodus 12:15.
  205. Exodus 12:18.
  206. Exodus 12:19.
  207. Exodus 12:20.
  208. Exodus 12:43.
  209. Exodus 12:45.
  210. 1 2 Exodus 12:46.
  211. Exodus 12:48.
  212. Exodus 13:12.
  213. Exodus 13:3.
  214. Exodus 13:7.
  215. Exodus 13:8.
  216. 1 2 Exodus 13:13.
  217. The Interlinear Haggadah: The Passover Haggadah, with an Interlinear Translation, Instructions and Comments. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 51. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2005. ISBN 1-57819-064-9. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, pages 94–95. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2008. ISBN 978-0-8276-0858-0.
  218. The Interlinear Haggadah: The Passover Haggadah, with an Interlinear Translation, Instructions and Comments. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 48–49. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, pages 93–94.
  219. The Interlinear Haggadah: The Passover Haggadah, with an Interlinear Translation, Instructions and Comments. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 38–40. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, page 87.
  220. The Interlinear Haggadah: The Passover Haggadah, with an Interlinear Translation, Instructions and Comments. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 58. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, page 99.
  221. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, pages 125–28.
  222. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, pages 122–25.
  223. The Interlinear Haggadah: The Passover Haggadah, with an Interlinear Translation, Instructions and Comments. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 108.
  224. The Interlinear Haggadah: The Passover Haggadah, with an Interlinear Translation, Instructions and Comments. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 59. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, page 100.
  225. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, page 88.
  226. The Interlinear Haggadah: The Passover Haggadah, with an Interlinear Translation, Instructions and Comments. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 60. Joseph Tabory. JPS Commentary on the Haggadah: Historical Introduction, Translation, and Commentary, page 100.
  227. The Schottenstein Edition Siddur for Weekdays with an Interlinear Translation. Edited by Menachem Davis, pages 10–12. Brooklyn: Mesorah Publications, 2002. ISBN 1-57819-686-8.
  228. The Schottenstein Edition Siddur for Weekdays with an Interlinear Translation. Edited by Menachem Davis, page 6.
  229. Exodus 10:1
  230. Jeremiah 46:13.
  231. Exodus 10:3–20; Jeremiah 46:23.
  232. Exodus 12:12; Jeremiah 46:25.
  233. Exodus 12:51; 13:3; Jeremiah 46:27.

Further reading

The parashah has parallels or is discussed in these sources:

Biblical

Early nonrabbinic

Classical rabbinic

Medieval

Rashi
Judah Halevi
Maimonides
Nachmanides

Modern

Menasseh ben Israel
Hobbes
Hirsch
Malbim
Obama
Sacks
Herzfeld

External links

Texts

Commentaries

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