Ruaidhrí Mac Ruaidhrí

Ruaidhrí Mac Ruaidhrí

Ostensibly Ruaidhrí's surname and title as they appear on folio 82v (part 2) of Royal Irish Academy MS P 6 (the Annals of the Four Masters).[1] The entry records the death of a member of Clann Ruaidhrí, likely Ruaidhrí himself, in 1318.
Predecessor Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí
Successor Raghnall Mac Ruaidhrí

Issue

Noble family Clann Ruaidhrí
Father Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí
Died 14 October 1318?
Battle of Faughart?

Ruaidhrí Mac Ruaidhrí (died 14 October 1318?) was a fourteenth-century Scottish magnate and chief of Clann Ruaidhrí.[note 1] He was an illegitimate son of Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí, and is recorded to have participated in the kindred's military actions against supporters of both the English Crown and Scottish Crown. Following the apparent death of his brother, Lachlann, Ruaidhrí appears to have taken control of the kindred, and firmly aligned the family with Robert I, King of Scotland. Ruaidhrí may well be the member of Clann Ruaidhrí who is recorded slain at the Battle of Faughart in support of the Bruce cause in Ireland. After his death, Ruaidhrí's half-sister, Cairistíona, attempted to transfer the Clann Ruaidhrí territories outwith the family. Ruaidhrí was survived by a daughter, Áine, and an illegitimate son, Raghnall. The latter fended off Cairistíona's actions and succeeded to the chiefship of Clann Ruaidhrí.

Clann Ruaidhrí

Ruaidhrí was an illegitimate son of Ailéan mac Ruaidhrí (died ×1296),[10] a son of Ruaidhrí mac Raghnaill, Lord of Kintyre (died 1247?),[11] eponym of Clann Ruaidhrí.[12] Ailéan had another illegitimate son, Lachlann Mac Ruaidhrí (fl. 12971307/1308), and a legitimate daughter, Cairistíona (fl. 12901318).[13] It was Ruaidhrí's generationthe second generation in descent from Ruaidhrí mac Raghnaillthat members of Clann Ruaidhrí are first identified with a family name derived from this eponymous ancestor. For example, in one record the sons of Ailéan are called "filiis Rodrici".[14] Clann Ruaidhrí was a branch of Clann Somhairle. Other branches of this overarching kindred included Clann Dubhghaill and Clann Domhnaill.[15]

Conflict amongst Clann Somhairle

Arms of the Lord of Argyll as depicted in the fourteenth-century Balliol Roll.[16]

In 1296, Edward I, King of England (died 1307) invaded and easily conquered the Scottish realm.[17] Amongst the Scots imprisoned by the English were many of the Ross elite, including William II, Earl of Ross (died 1323). The earl remained in captivity from 1296 to 1303, a lengthy span of years in which the sons of Ailéan capitalised upon the resulting power vacuum.[18] Like most other Scottish landholders, Ruaidhrí's brother rendered homage to the triumphant king later that year.[19] Lachlann was married to a daughter of Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, Lord of Argyll (died 1310).[20] The latter had been a staunch supporter of the Scottish king, a fact which appears to have led Edward I to use the former's principal rival, Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill, Lord of Islay (died 1299?), the chief of Clann Domhnaill, as his primary agent in the maritime west. In this capacity, Alasdair Óg attempted to contain the Clann Dubhghaill revolt against English authority.[21]

The struggle between the two Clann Somhairle namesakes seems to be attested not long after Alasdair Óg's appointment in April 1297, and is documented in two undated letters from the latter to Edward I. In the first, Alasdair Óg complained to the king that Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill had ravaged his lands. Although Alasdair Óg further noted that he had overcome Ruaidhrí and thereby brought him to heel, Lachlann then attacked him, and both Clann Ruaidhrí brothers proceeded to ravage Skye and Lewis and Harris. At the end of the letter, the Clann Domhnaill chief implored upon Edward I to instruct the other noblemen of Argyll and Ross to aid him in his struggle against the king's enemies.[22]

Now-ruinous Inverlochy Castle, once a stronghold of the Comyn kindred, where Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill attempted to capture the region's largest warships, then in the hands of his opponents.

In the second letter, Alasdair Óg again appealed to the English Crown, complaining that he faced a united front from Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill, the latter's son Donnchadh Mac Dubhghaill, (Alasdair Mac Dubhghaill's brother-in-law) John II Comyn, Lord of Badenoch (died c. 1302), and Lachlann himself. According Alasdair Óg, the men of Lochaber had sworn allegiance to Lachlann and Donnchadh Mac Dubhghaill. Alasdair Óg further reported that he had battled against Lachlann and Ruaidhrí, and related a specific expedition in which he pursued his opponents to the Comyn stronghold of Inverlochy Castle, but was unable to capture two massive galleys which he described as the largest warships in the Western Isles. Much like the first letter, Alasdair Óg called upon the English king for financial support in combating his mounting opponents.[23]

Refer to caption
Seal of Alasdair Óg Mac Domhnaill,[24] opponent of Ruaidhrí and his brother.

These dispatches seem to reveal that Lachlann and Ruaidhrí were focused upon seizing control of Skye and Lewis and Harris from the absentee Earl of Ross. Whilst the first communiqué reveals that the first assault upon the islands concerned pillage, the second letter seems to indicate that the islands were subjected to further invasions by Clann Ruaidhrí, suggesting that the acquisition of these islands was their goal.[25] The bitter strife between Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill depicted by these letters seems to indicate that both kindreds sought to capitalise on the earl's absence, and that both sought to incorporate the islands into their own lordships. In specific regard to Clann Ruaidhrí, it is likely that their campaigning was an extension of the conflict originating from the creation of the shrievalty of Ross in 1293.[26] The correspondence also reveals that the Lachlann and Ruaidhrí were able to split their forces and operate somewhat independently of each other. Although Alasdair Óg was evidently able to overcome one of them at a time, he was nevertheless vulnerable to a counterattack from the other.[27] Another aspect of the strife between the two kindreds is the possibility that it coincided with the anti-English campaign waged by Andrew Murray (died 1297) and Alexander Pilche against the embattled Countess of Ross in eastern Ross. If so, it is conceivable that there was some sort of coordination between Clann Ruaidhrí and the Murray/Pilche coalition.[28] Lachlann's marital alliance with Clann Dubhghaill clearly benefited his kindred, linking it with the Clann Dubhghaill/Comyn pact in a coalition that encircled the Earldom of Ross.[29]

Refer to caption
Thirteenth-century illumination of Edward I, King of England as depicted in Cotton MS Vitellius A XIII.[30]

Alasdair Óg seems to have been killed in battle against Clann Dubhghaill in 1299,[31] after which his brother Aonghus Óg (died 1314×1318/c.1330) appears to have succeeded him as chief of Clann Domhnaill.[32] In 1301, whilst in the service of the English Crown, Aonghus Óg entreated the king on behalf of Lachlann and Ruaidhríwho were then aiding the English-aligned military forces of Aonghus Óg and Hugh Bisset (fl. 1301)asking the king to grant the brothers feu of their ancestral lands.[33] Another letter, this one from Hugh to Edward I, reveals that Aonghus Óg, Eóin Mac Suibhne (fl. 12611301), and Hugh himself, were engaged in maritime operations against Clann Dubhghaill that year.[34]

Campaigning for and against Robert I

Seal of Robert I, King of Scotland.[35] After seizing the throne, this embattled king appears to have partly owed his survival to efforts of Ruaidhrí's sister, Cairistíona.

In February 1306, Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick (died 1329), a claimant to the Scottish throne, killed his chief rival to the kingship, John III Comyn, Lord of Badenoch.[36] Although the former seized the throne (as Robert I) by March, the English Crown immediately struck back, defeating his forces in June. By September, Robert I was a fugitive, and appears to have escaped into the Hebrides.[37] According to Gesta Annalia II, Lachlann's sister, Cairistíona, played an instrumental part in Robert I's survival at this low point in his career, sheltering him along Scotland's western seaboard.[38][note 2] Later the next year, at about the time of Edward I's death in July 1307, Robert I mounted his remarkable return to power, first striking into Carrick in February.[41] In contrast to the assistance Cairistíona lent to the Scottish king, Lachlann sided himself closer with the English, as he appears to have personally sworn fealty to Edward I in August 1306, and petitioned for certain lands of a supporter to the Bruce cause.[42]

Arms of the Earl of Ross as depicted in Balliol Roll.[43]

In October, there is evidence indicating that a certain Cristin del Ard delivered messages from the English Crown to William II, Lachlann, Ruaidhrí, and a certain Eóin mac Neacail (fl. 13061316).[44] The latter appears to be the earliest member of Clann Mhic Neacail on record.[45] At about this time, this clan seems to have been seated on Skye and Lewis and Harris, and it is possible that the comital family of Ross had cultivated Clann Mhic Neacail as an ally against Clann Ruaidhrí shortly after the creation of the shrievalty of Skye in 1293.[46] Cristin was a close associate of William II, and the fact that the English Crown seems to have used the earl as a conduit for communications with Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Mhic Neacail appears to indicate that the earl had brought the northwestern territories of these families back within his sphere of influence.[47] Whatever the case, William II played a key role in Robert I's misfortunes at about this time, as the earl captured the latter's wife and daughterElizabeth (died 1327) and Marjorie (died 1316)and delivered them into the hands of Edward I.[48] The correspondence delivered by Cristin could have concerned this particular episode,[49] and may evince an attempt by the English Crown to project pro-English power into the Isles against Robert I and his supporters.[50]

Arms of the Earl of Buchan as depicted in Balliol Roll.[43]

Lachlann last appears on record in 1307/1308 in correspondence between William II and Edward II, King of England (died 1327).[51] At the time, the earl appears to have found himself in a perilous position as John Comyn, Earl of Buchan (died 1308), another northern opponent of Bruce, found himself the target of Robert I's attention late in 1307, and was soundly subdued by him in 1308.[52] This consolidation of power by the Scottish Crown was evidently not William II's only concern, as he reported to Edward II that Lachlann refused to render to him the revenues that Lachlann owed to the English Crown. In the words of William II, Lachlann "is such a high and mighty lord, he'll not answer to anyone except under great force or through fear of you".[51] The earl's letter is clearly a testimonial to the strength of Clann Ruaidhrí at this point in time,[53] evidently comparable to that of the earl.[54] In fact, it is possible that it was due to this kindred's considerable influence in the region that the Bruce cause found any support in Ross[55]support evidenced by a letter to the English Crown in 1307 relating the unease of the English adherents Duncan Frendraught, Reginald Cheyne, and Gilbert Glencarnie.[56] Certainly, the fourteenth-century Chronicle of Lanercost reveals that Robert I received Hebridean support when he first launched his return in Galloway.[57] Having been in conflict with William II for over decade, it appears that Lachlann and his kin capitalised on Robert I's campaign against William II and his confederates. The Scottish king's success against the earl may well have stemmed from leading Islesmen like Lachlann himself.[58] In 1308, the earl submitted to Robert I, and thereby offset aggression from his Clann Ruaidhrí adversaries.[59] Following Lachlann's last appearance on record, perhaps after his own demise,[60] Ruaidhrí seems to have succeeded him in representation of Clann Ruaidhrí.[61][note 3] In August 1309, Robert I is known to have been at Loch Broom,[65] where he may well have gathered troops from Clann Ruaidhrí for his apparent capture of Dunstaffnage Castle from Clann Dubhghaill in October.[66]

Contested Clann Ruaidhrí succession

Arms of the Earl of Mar as depicted in Balliol roll.[43]

Although Cairistíona was the sole legitimate offspring of their father,[67] it is unlikely that members of the kindred would have regarded legitimate birth as the sole qualification of succession.[68] In fact, as the leading male member of Clann Ruaidhrí, it is probable that Ruaidhrí himself possessed control of the kindred's wide-ranging territories.[69] Nevertheless, Ruaidhrí seems to have only gained formal recognition of his rights to the lordship after Cairistíona's resignation of her own claims.[70]

There is reason to suspect that Cairistíona's stake in the lordship posed a potential threat to Ruaidhrí and his descendants.[71] One possibility is that her husband, Donnchadh, was a son of Uilleam, Earl of Mar (died ×1281).[72] Another possibility is that Donnchadh was instead a son of Uilleam's son, Domhnall I, Earl of Mar (died ×1297).[73] The latter's daughter, Iseabail, was in turn the first wife of Robert I,[74] whilst Domhnall I's son and comital successor, Gartnait (died c. 1302), was the husband of a sister of Robert I.[75][note 4] Furthermore, Cairistíona and Donnchadh had a son, Ruaidhrí, who potentially could have sought royal assistance in pursuance of his mother's claims.[77] The name Cairistíona bestowed upon this son could indicate that he was not only named after his maternal grandfather, but that he was regarded as a potential successor to the Clann Ruaidhrí lordship.[78] Certainly, Cairistíona resigned her claims with the condition that, if her brother died without a male heir, her like-named son would secure the inheritance.[79] Although the charter outlining her resignation is undated, it seems to have been granted early in the reign of Robert I, possibly before the end of the first decade the century.[80]

Arms of the Earl of Carrick as depicted in Balliol roll.[43]

On one hand, it is possible that the king orchestrated Ruaidhrí's succession to the lordship as a means of securing support from one of the most powerful families on the western coast.[77] On the other hand, the fact that Cairistíonaa close personal ally of Robert Ihad been superseded by Ruaidhría man with a comparatively chequered careercould indicate that the latter's consolidation of control was instead the result of internal family politics.[81] Whatever the case, Ruaidhrí was likely already regarded as the rightful chief, and the charter itself undeniably brought him under feudal dependence of the Scottish Crown.[82] Ruaidhrí's provincial lordship encompassed the mainland territories of Moidart, Arisaig, Morar, and Knoydart; and the island territories of Rhum, Eigg, Barra, St Kilda, and Uist.[83] This dominion, like the great lordships of Annandale and Galloway, was comparable to any of the kingdom's thirteen earldoms.[84]

Death in support of the Scottish Crown

The extent of the Clann Domhnaill Lordship of the Isles in 1343 (yellow). The Clann Ruaidhrí territories (red) were absorbed within this lordship after the death of Ruaidhrí's son, Raghnall in 1346.[85]

There is evidence to suggest that Ruaidhrí assisted the Scottish Crown in its campaigning against the Anglo-Irish in Ireland, and that he lost his life in the crushing Scottish defeat at the Battle of Faughart on 14 October 1318.[86] In 1315, Robert I's younger brother, Edward Bruce, Earl of Carrick (died 1318), launched an invasion of Ireland and claimed the high-kingship of Ireland. For three years, the Scots and their Irish allies campaigned on the island against the Anglo-Irish and their allies.[87] Although every other pitched-battle between the Scots and the Anglo-Irish resulted in a Scottish victory,[88] the utter catastrophe at Faughart cost Edward his life and brought an end to the Bruce regime in Ireland.[89] According to the sixteenth-century Annals of Loch Cé, a certain "Mac Ruaidhri ri Innsi Gall" and a "Mac Domnaill, ri Oirir Gaidheal" were slain in the onslaught.[90] This source is mirrored by several other Irish annals including the fifteenthsixteenth-century Annals of Connacht,[91] the seventeenth-century Annals of the Four Masters,[92] the fifteenthsixteenth-century Annals of Ulster,[93] and the seventeenth-century Annals of Clonmacnoise.[94][note 5] The precise identities of these men are unknown for certain, although they seem to have been the heads of Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill,[95] and the former man may well have been Ruaidhrí himself.[96][note 6] Another major engagement concerning Clann Ruaidhrí was a crushing defeat suffered when the forces of Connacht vanquished those of Bréifne the year before. According to the Annals of Connacht, seven score gallowglasses of a certain "Mac Ruaidri" were slain in the encounter.[105]

Now-ruinous Castle Tioram may well have been a Clann Ruaidhrí stronghold.[106] The island the fortress sits upon is first recorded in a charter of Ruaidhrí's half-sister, Cairistíona.[107]

Although Ruaidhrí seems to have ensured the continuation of his kindred by formally coming to terms with Robert I and campaigning in Ireland with the latter's brother,[77] there is evidence indicating that the Clann Ruaidhrí inheritance was contested by Cairistíona after his demise.[108] Ruaidhrí was survived by a daughter, Áine (fl. 13181350),[109] and an illegitimate son, Raghnall (died 1346).[110][note 7] The latter may well have been under age at the time of Ruaidhrí's death, and it is apparent that Cairistíona and her confederates attempted to seize control of the inheritance.[111] Although Cairistíona is recorded to have resigned her claimed rights to a certain Artúr Caimbéal after Ruaidhrí's death,[112] it is clear that Raghnall eventually succeeded in securing the region, and was regarded as the chief of Clann Ruaidhrí by most of his kin.[108][note 8] Despite Raghnall's success in securing control of his ancestral estate, upon his own demise these territories passed into the possession of Áine's husband (or former husband), Eóin Mac Domhnaill, Lord of the Isles (died c. 1387), chief of Clann Domhnaill.[118]

Ancestry

Notes

  1. Since the 1980s, academics have accorded Ruaidhrí various patronymic names in English secondary sources: Roderick Macruari,[2] Ruairi mac Allan,[3] Ruairi MacRuairi,[4] Ruairi Macruarie,[5] Ruairidh mac Ailein,[6] Ruari MacRuari,[7] Ruari macRuari,[8] and Ruarie MacRuarie.[9]
  2. Cairistíona was closely associated with Robert I. Her husband was not only a brother of his first wife, but a brother of the husband of Robert I's sister.[39] This relationship with Robert I may well account for her support.[40]
  3. At about the turn of the twentieth century, partisan historians of Clann Domhnaill portrayed Lachlann, Ruaidhrí, and their kin as "Highland rovers", and likened their exploits against Clann Domhnaill to the "piratical tendencies of the ancient Vikings".[62] Later in twentieth-century historical literature, Lachlann was still regarded a "sinister figure", likened to a "buccaneering predator", and described as a "shadowy figure ... always in the background, always a troublemaker".[63] Such summarisations of their lives are nevertheless oversimplifications of their recorded careers as vigorous regional lords.[64]
  4. The fact that Cairistíona is described as a widow by the Ragman Rollon the very day that Domhnall I's son Donnchadh is also recorded to have performed homagecould be evidence that her husband had indeed been a son Uilleam.[76]
  5. The Annals of Clonmacnoise exists only in a early modern translation and gives: "mcRory king of the islands and mcDonnell prince of the Irish of Scotland".[94]
  6. The identity of the slain member of Clann Domhnaill is uncertain. He could have been Alasdair Óg (if he wasn't killed in 1299),[97] or a son of Alasdair Óg,[98] or perhaps Aonghus Óg,[99] or a son of the latter.[100] Another possibility is that the slain chieftain is identical to a certain Dovenaldus de Yle (also known as Dovenaldus de Yle), an apparent leading member of Clann Domhnaill who appears on record in the early fourteenth century.[101] This latter figure is described as a brother of a certain Gotherus. The men are attested in records revealing that Eóin Mac Dubhghaill was commissioned to bring both into the peace of Edward II in March 1313/1314 and March 1314/1315.[102] Although both may well have been members of Clann Domhnaill and indeed brothers,[103] another possibility is that these men are instead identical to the apparent chiefs of Clann Ruaidhrí and Clann Domhnaill slain with Edward Bruce in 1318, and that the Latin and Anglo-Norman names accorded to Gotherus and Dovenaldus are actually garbled forms of the Gaelic surnames borne by these chiefs.[104]
  7. The identity of Raghnall's mother is unknown.[110]
  8. Cairistíona's charter is undated. The fact that she is called a widow, and is not named "of Mar", appears to be evidence that it dates to after her husband's death.[113] The list of witnesses who attested this grant is remarkable. It includes John Menteith, Domhnall Caimbéal, Alasdair Mac Neachdainn, Eóghan Mac Íomhair, Donnchadh Caimbéal (son of Tomás Caimbéal), Niall Mac Giolla Eáin, and (the latter's brother) Domhnall Mac Giolla Eáin. The men all seem to have been close adherents of Robert I against Clann Dubhghaill, and all represented families of power along the western seaboard. An alliance of such men may well have been an intimidating prospect to the Clann Ruaidhrí leadership.[114] The territorial transfer outlined in Cairistíona's charter to Artúr differs from her earlier resignation to Ruaidhrí in the fact that it excludes the Uists and includes what came to be known as Castle Tioram. Why this is so is uncertain.[115] Quite why Cairistíona attempted to alienate the Clann Ruaidhrí estate from the kindred itself is uncertain. One possibility is that the contract was the prelude to a marriage contract with the Caimbéalaigh kindred (the Campbells).[116] Artúr and his like-named father appear to have been particularly ambitious members of this latter kindred, and men who clearly prospered from Robert I's dismemberment of the Clann Dubhghaill lordship.[117]

Citations

  1. Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1318.5; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1318.5; Royal Irish Academy (n.d.).
  2. Rixson (1982).
  3. Boardman, S (2006).
  4. Ewan (2006); McDonald (2006); Boardman, SI (2004); Brown (2004); Caldwell (2004); McDonald (1997).
  5. Barrow (2003); Barrow (1988); Barrow (1973).
  6. MacDonald, IG (2013).
  7. Campbell of Airds (2000).
  8. Roberts (1999).
  9. Watson (2013).
  10. McDonald (2004) p. 181.
  11. Brown (2004) p. 77 tab. 4.1; McDonald (2004) p. 181; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii.
  12. Duffy (2007) p. 10; McDonald (2007) p. 110; Raven (2005) p. 56.
  13. McDonald (2004) p. 181; McDonald (1997) pp. 174, 189190; Barrow (1988) pp. 290, 347 n. 104.
  14. MacGregor (1989) pp. 2425, 25 n. 51; Barrow (1988) p. 347 n. 104; Lamont (1981) pp. 161, 164; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Stevenson (1870) p. 436 § 615; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; PoMS, H3/31/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84286 (n.d.).
  15. Beuermann (2010) p. 108 n. 28.
  16. Campbell of Airds (2014) p. 204; McAndrew (2006) p. 66; McAndrew (1999) p. 693; McAndrew (1992); The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  17. Prestwich (2008); Brown (2004) p. 259.
  18. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 5155.
  19. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 55; Barrow (2003) p. 347, 347 n. 2; Barrow (1973) p. 381, 381 n. 2; Bain (1884) pp. 209210 § 823; Instrumenta Publica (1834) p. 158; PoMS, H6/2/0 (n.d.c); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 79778 (n.d.).
  20. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 58, 59 n. 38, 60; Boardman, S (2006) p. 54 n. 60; Sellar (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 211; Sellar (1971) p. 31.
  21. Watson (2013) ch. 2; McNamee (2012b) ch. 3; Young; Stead (2010) pp. 6869; Brown (2004) pp. 258259; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) p. 40; PoMS, H5/1/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88272 (n.d.).
  22. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 5657; Watson (2013) ch. 2, ch. 2 n. 52; Barrow (2006) p. 147; Brown (2004) p. 259; Barrow (2003) p. 347; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; McDonald (1997) pp. 165, 190; Barrow (1988) pp. 107, 347 n. 104; Rixson (1982) pp. 1315, 208 n. 2, 208 n. 4; Barrow (1973) p. 381; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 193; Stevenson (1870) p. 187188 § 444; Bain (1884) pp. 235236 § 904; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.b); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 83146 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 83152 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 83153 (n.d.).
  23. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 5657, 60; Watson (2013) ch. 2, ch. 2 n. 52; Brown (2009) pp. 1011; Fisher (2005) p. 93; Barrow (2003) p. 347; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 60; Sellar (2000) p. 212; McDonald (1997) pp. 154, 165; Barrow (1988) pp. 107, 347 n. 104; Rixson (1982) pp. 1516, 208 n. 4, 208 n. 6; Barrow (1973) p. 381; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 193; Stevenson (1870) pp. 189191 § 445; Bain (1884) p. 235 § 903; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.c); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84392 (n.d.).
  24. McDonald (1995) p. 132; Rixson (1982) pp. 128, 219 n. 2, pl. 3b; Macdonald, WR (1904) p. 227 § 1793; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 8889; Laing, H (1866) p. 91 § 536.
  25. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 56, 9596.
  26. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 56, 9596.
  27. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 5758.
  28. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 5152, 58, 61, 9596; Bain (1884) p. 239 § 922; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 80370 (n.d.).
  29. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 96.
  30. Collard (2007) pp. 2, 10 fig. 8.
  31. Penman (2014) p. 65, 65 n. 7; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 61; McDonald (1997) pp. 168169, 168169 n. 36.
  32. McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  33. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 59; Cameron (2014) p. 153; Barrow (2003) p. 347; McDonald (1997) pp. 167, 169, 190191; Barrow (1988) pp. 168, 347 n. 104; Lamont (1981) pp. 161, 164; Barrow (1973) p. 381; Stevenson (1870) p. 436 § 615; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1254; PoMS, H3/31/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84286 (n.d.).
  34. McDonald (1997) p. 167; List of Diplomatic Documents (1963) p. 197; Reid (1960) pp. 1011; Stevenson (1870) p. 435 § 614; Bain (1884) p. 320 § 1253; PoMS, H3/90/11 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84282 (n.d.).
  35. Birch (1905) p. 135 pl. 20.
  36. Barrow (2008); Young (2004); McDonald (1997) p. 169.
  37. Barrow (2008); McDonald (1997) pp. 170174.
  38. Young; Stead (2010) p. 92; Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61; McDonald (2006) p. 79; Barrow (2003) p. 347; Duffy (2002) p. 60; McDonald (1997) pp. 174, 189, 196; Barrow (1988) p. 170; Barrow (1973) pp. 380381; Skene (1872) p. 335; Skene (1871) p. 343.
  39. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Barrow (1988) pp. 170, 383, 384.
  40. McDonald (2006) p. 79.
  41. Barrow (2008); McDonald (1997) pp. 174175; Barrow (1988) pp. 170173.
  42. Barrow (2006) p. 147; Barrow (2003) p. 347; Barrow (1988) p. 327; Barrow (1973) pp. 381382.
  43. 1 2 3 4 The Balliol Roll (n.d.).
  44. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 72; Brown (2008) p. 20; Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 67; PoMS, H5/3/0 (n.d.b); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 87337 (n.d.); Simpson; Galbraith (n.d.) p. 205 § 472w.
  45. Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 68.
  46. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 51.
  47. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 7273.
  48. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 73; Barrow (2004); Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 67; Barrow (1988) pp. 160161.
  49. Sellar; Maclean (1999) pp. 67.
  50. Brown (2008) p. 20.
  51. 1 2 Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 73; Barrow (2003) p. 348; McDonald (1997) p. 190; Barrow (1988) p. 177; Barrow (1973) p. 382; Rixson (1982) pp. 1819, 208 n. 10; Bain (1888) pp. 382 § 1837, 400; PoMS, H3/20/7 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88778 (n.d.).
  52. McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Neville (2012) p. 1; Watson (2004b); McQueen (2002) p. 223; Barrow (1988) pp. 175177.
  53. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 75; Rixson (1982) pp. 1819.
  54. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 75.
  55. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 75, 75 n. 109; McNamee (2012a) ch. 2; Brown (2008) pp. 3132.
  56. Cochran-Yu (2015) p. 75, 75 n. 109; Bain (1884) p. 513 § 1926; PoMS, H5/3/0 (n.d.a); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 84934 (n.d.).
  57. McNamee (2012a) ch. 2 n. 28; Maxwell (1913) p. 188; Stevenson (1839) p. 212.
  58. Brown (2008) pp. 3132.
  59. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 7576.
  60. McDonald (1997) pp. 190191.
  61. McDonald (1997) pp. 190191; Barrow (1988) p. 290.
  62. McDonald (1997) p. 190; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) p. 87.
  63. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 55, 9596; McDonald (2006) p. 79; McDonald (1997) p. 190; Barrow (1988) p. 290.
  64. Cochran-Yu (2015) pp. 55, 9596.
  65. Penman (2014) pp. 116, 361 n. 130; McNamee (2012b) ch. 6; Barrow (1988) pp. 190, 321 n. 12.
  66. McNamee (2012b) ch. 6.
  67. Ewan (2006).
  68. Barrow (1973) p. 381.
  69. Raven (2005) p. 63; Barrow (1988) pp. 290291; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203; Barrow (1973) p. 381.
  70. MacDonald, IG (2013) p. 353; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 46, 54 n. 52, 55 n. 61; Raven (2005) p. 63; Boardman, SI (2004); Brown (2004) p. 263; Barrow (1988) pp. 290291; Rixson (1982) p. 27 fig. 2; Thomson (1912) pp. 428429 § 9; MacDonald; MacDonald (1896) pp. 495496; Origines Parochiales Scotiae (1854) pp. 363, 366.
  71. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546.
  72. Brown (2011) p. 15; Oram (2003) p. 64, 64 n. 84.
  73. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Barrow (1988) p. 384.
  74. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Barrow (2008); Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Barrow (1988) pp. 141, 383, 384.
  75. McNamee (2012b) ch. 5; Duncan (2008); Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Watson (2004a); Barrow (1988) pp. 44, 141, 383, 384.
  76. Oram (2003) p. 64, 64 n. 84; Bain (1884) p. 200 § 823; Palgrave (1837) pp. 153154; Instrumenta Publica (1834) pp. 129131; PoMS, H6/2/0 (n.d.a); PoMS, H6/2/0 (n.d.b); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 79101 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 79135 (n.d.).
  77. 1 2 3 Boardman, S (2006) p. 46.
  78. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61.
  79. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61; Ewan (2006); Brown (2004) p. 263; Barrow (1988) pp. 290291.
  80. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 61; Ewan (2006); Raven (2005) p. 63.
  81. Brown (2004) p. 263.
  82. Barrow (1988) p. 291.
  83. Daniels (2013) p. 94; Boardman, SI (2004).
  84. McNamee (2012b) ch. 1.
  85. Lynch (1991) p. 65.
  86. Daniels (2013) p. 94; Brown (2008) pp. 143, 153; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546; Boardman, SI (2004); Caldwell (2004) p. 72; Duffy (2002) p. 61, 195 n. 64; Roberts (1999) pp. 144, 181; McDonald (1997) p. 191; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  87. Duncan (2010); Young; Stead (2010) pp. 144, 146147; Brown (2008) pp. 143153; Duffy (2005); Brown (2004) pp. 264265; Frame (1998) pp. 7198; Lydon (1992) pp. 35.
  88. Lydon (1992) p. 3.
  89. Duncan (2010); Duffy (2005).
  90. Annals of Loch Cé (2008) § 1318.7; Annals of Loch Cé (2005) § 1318.7; Caldwell (2004) p. 72; McDonald (1997) p. 191; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103.
  91. Penman (2014) p. 71; Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1318.8; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1318.8; McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Campbell of Airds (2000) p. 77; Davies (2000) p. 175 n. 14; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Dundalk (n.d.); The Annals of Connacht, p. 253 (n.d.).
  92. Annals of the Four Masters (2013a) § 1318.5; Annals of the Four Masters (2013b) § 1318.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Duffy (1998) pp. 79, 102.
  93. Annala Uladh (2005) § 1315.5; Boardman, SI (2004); Sellar (2000) p. 217 n. 155; Annala Uladh (2003) § 1315.5; McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Bannerman (1998) p. 25; Duffy (1998) p. 79; Lydon (1992) p. 5; Barrow (1988) pp. 361 n. 15, 377 n. 103; Lamont (1981) p. 166; Duncan; Brown (19561957) p. 205 n. 9; Dundalk (n.d.); Mac Ruaidhri, King of the Hebrides (n.d.); AU, 1315 (n.d.).
  94. 1 2 McLeod (2002) p. 31 n. 24; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103; Murphy (1896) p. 281.
  95. Duffy (2002) p. 61, 195 n. 64; McQueen (2002) p. 287 n. 18; Duffy (1991) p. 312; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  96. Daniels (2013) p. 94; Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546; Brown (2004) p. 265; Boardman, SI (2004); Caldwell (2004) p. 72; Duffy (2002) pp. 61, 195 n. 64; Roberts (1999) pp. 144, 181; Barrow (1988) p. 377 n. 103; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  97. Penman (2014) pp. 7071; Duffy (2002) p. 195 n. 64.
  98. Cameron (2014) p. 153; Penman (2014) p. 71; Barrow (1988) p. 361 n. 15.
  99. Brown (2008) p. 153; Penman (2014) p. 71; Brown (2004) p. 265.
  100. Penman (2014) p. 71; McNamee (2012b) ch. genealogical tables tab. 6; Duffy (1991) p. 312 n. 52; McDonald (1997) pp. 186187; Steer; Bannerman; Collins (1977) p. 203.
  101. Duffy (1991) p. 312; Bain (1888) p. 377 § 1822; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 121, 139; PoMS, H1/27/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88734 (n.d.).
  102. Penman (2014) p. 70; Sellar; Maclean (1999) p. 7; Lamont (1981) pp. 165166; Bain (1888) p. 377 § 1822; Rotuli Scotiæ (1814) pp. 121, 139; PoMS, H1/27/0 (n.d.); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 88734 (n.d.).
  103. Sellar; Maclean (1999) p. 7.
  104. Lamont (1981) pp. 165166.
  105. Annála Connacht (2011a) § 1317.8; Annála Connacht (2011b) § 1317.8; Brown (2004) p. 265 n. 14; Kilmore (n.d.); Mac Ruaidhri (n.d.); The Annals of Connacht, p. 251 (n.d.).
  106. Tabraham (2005) pp. 29, 111.
  107. Stell (2014) p. 273; Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Fisher (2005) p. 91; Raven (2005) p. 63; McDonald (1997) pp. 189190 n. 120; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.a); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 79436 (n.d.).
  108. 1 2 Boardman, S (2006) p. 46; Boardman, SI (2004).
  109. Proctor (2006).
  110. 1 2 Boardman, SI (2004).
  111. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4546; Proctor (2006).
  112. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4647; Boardman, SI (2005) p. 149 n. 4; Fisher (2005) p. 91; Raven (2005) p. 63; Boardman, SI (2004); Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 7172; McDonald (1997) pp. 189190 n. 120; Barrow (1980) p. 139 n. 110; PoMS, H3/0/0 (n.d.a); PoMS Transaction Factoid, No. 79436 (n.d.).
  113. Boardman, S (2006) p. 55 n. 62.
  114. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4647.
  115. Raven (2005) p. 63.
  116. Raven (2005) p. 63; Campbell of Airds (2000) pp. 7172.
  117. Boardman, S (2006) pp. 4447; Boardman, SI (2005) pp. 124, 149 n. 4.
  118. Stell (2014) p. 273; Daniels (2013) pp. 25, 9091, 95; Boardman, SI (2004); Munro; Munro (2004); Oram (2004) p. 124.
  119. 1 2 3 4 Brown (2004) p. 77 fig. 4.1; Sellar (2000) p. 194 tab. ii.

References

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